From US Republicans’ effort to get the Supreme Court to overturn Roev Wade, the 1973 ruling that established a woman’s right to an abortion, to Poland’s increased restrictions on access to emergency contraception, to Brazil’s clampdown on sexual health education, this is a difficult time for women.

But if the global feminist movement has proved anything over the years, it is that it can overcome powerful resistance to defend the rights of marginalised groups. In 2020, it will do so again.

The challenge is formidable. An inevitable corollary of the authoritarianism, ethno-nationalism, and xenophobia embraced by political leaders in many countries — in particular, Brazil, Hungary, India, Turkey and the United States — is the perpetuation of regressive gender norms.

According to “strongman” leaders like Brazil’s Jair Bolsonaro, Hungary’s Viktor Orbán, and India’s Narendra Modi, women are born to be wives and mothers; immigrants and racial, religious and ethnic minorities are dangerous and inferior; and LGBTQI+ persons deserve ostracism, detention, or even death.

These leaders have emboldened people who share their views to engage in discrimination and violent attacks against racial or other minorities, migrants, women and other marginalised groups.

Through measures like restrictions on abortion and contraception and the removal of protections for LGBTQI+ people, these leaders sought to control people’s bodies, sexuality, and reproduction, and punish those who defy their outdated beliefs.

For example, immediately upon entering the White House, US President Donald Trump reinstated the “global gag rule,” which, by barring US aid to any international organisation that provides, refers, or advocates for abortion care, is deadly for women.

Yet, as president of the International Women’s Health Coalition and a longtime women’s rights advocate, I have seen firsthand what the feminist movement can do. Consider Argentine feminists’ fight against highly restrictive abortion laws.

Twenty years ago, at the United Nations, Argentinian diplomats refused even to acknowledge sexual health or reproductive rights. But in 2005, Argentine feminists launched the National Campaign for the Right to Legal, Safe, and Free Abortion, beginning a gruelling uphill battle against powerful adversaries.

In 2018, hundreds of thousands of activists took to the streets across the country wearing green handkerchiefs (now a global symbol of the fight for abortion rights) to demand that the Senate pass a Bill legalising abortion. They lost, but only narrowly — an outcome that would have seemed impossible just a couple of decades earlier. And they kept fighting. Last month, Argentina inaugurated a president, Alberto Fernández, who has vowed to legalise abortion.

Achieving social change to protect marginalised groups is never an easy process. There are no quick victories over weak opposition. But, as feminists have proved time and again, with sustained commitment, changes that once seemed impossible can later seem inevitable.

In the last year alone, there have been numerous examples of such changes. The Mexican state of Oaxaca and the Australian state of New South Wales decriminalised abortion as did Northern Ireland, while others liberalised their laws, expanding the circumstances in which women can access safe, legal abortion services. In April, South Korea’s Supreme Court struck down the country’s abortion law as unconstitutional, setting the stage for decriminalisation this year.

Beyond abortion, Austria, Ecuador, Northern Ireland, and Taiwan all legalised same-sex marriage in 2019. Moreover, in a striking shift of political power, Finland elected Sanna Marin, a 34-year-old woman, as prime minister. Women now lead all five political parties comprising the country’s governing coalition, and four of them are under the age of 40.

Advocates for women’s rights are committed to making 2020 at least an important year in the global fight for equality, not only for women and girls, but for all people.

In India, for example, women are leading protests against a new citizenship law that discriminates against Muslims.
Particularly inspiring are the young female and non-binary activists who are leading movements for transformative change. For example, Emma González is demanding gun reform in the US; Bertha Zúñiga is defending the land rights of Honduras’ indigenous people; and Jamie Margolin and Greta Thunberg have emerged as leading climate activists.
This year marks the 25th anniversary of the United Nations’ Beijing Declaration and Platform for Action, which recognised women’s rights as human rights and established gender equality’s place on the global agenda.

Since the platform’s creation, activists have used it to hold governments to their commitments on a wide range of issues, including maternal mortality, child marriage, gender-based violence, political participation and reproductive rights.

Feminist activists will continue this work at the Beijing+25 Generation Equality Forum, convened by Mexico and France in Mexico City in May and Paris in July. There, they will call for bold new commitments to address crosscutting challenges like climate change and the refugee crisis.

This broader perspective is vital. In fact, feminists must strengthen their alliances with other progressive movements, especially those fighting for environmental sustainability, racial justice, and LGBTQI+ rights.

Only by mobilising together and supporting one another’s agendas can we overcome white supremacist, heteronormative, patriarchal and exploitative forces to build a more just, equitable and sustainable world.

The effects of these efforts will be shaped by decisions made by citizens and policymakers. The US presidential election in November will be particularly consequential. For better or worse, the US has an outsize impact on how the rest of the world addresses issues ranging from climate action and foreign aid to diplomacy and human rights.

If Trump loses the election, the US could again set a positive example, reviving multilateral co-operation, renewing support for UN agencies working on health and human rights, and ensuring that key government and judicial posts are once more occupied by qualified individuals who support human rights and the rule of law.

But, whatever happens, one thing is certain: the feminist movement and its progressive allies will not give up.
— Project Syndicate

 Françoise Girard is president of the International Women’s Health Coalition

THE ruling Zanu PF party members have been giving Zimbabweans comic relief in the past few months, making the right noises about transparency and accountability in government and the economy, but questions will always linger about the seriousness of those making the damning allegations. Is it factional fights for supremacy or a fight about who controls what?

The party’s youth leaders Lewis Matutu and Godfrey Tsenengamu on Monday took some bizarre decision to attack what they called leaders of cartels in the economy, people accused of making Zimbabweans suffer because they want to create and maintain their political fortunes using their proximity to power.

Matutu and Tsenengamu had a list of names among them were the “usual suspects” Kuda Tagwireyi, Tafadzwa Musarara, Billy Rautenbach, central bank officials, police and the judiciary. It is noteworthy that this is not the first time the youth leaders have made such damning allegations against businesspersons or fellow party members.

Last year, the same youths labelled Zanu PF secretary of administration, Obert Mpofu, a corrupt leader, triggering a $10 million defamation suit that is still before the courts. And like the last time, the youths this time around followed the same script of holding a Press conference away from Zanu PF headquarters even when they have offices there.

Let us for a moment examine the names thrown into the limelight. Tagwireyi is a business mogul whose interests stretch from real estate, fuel supply and mining, among other things. He is a significant shareholder in Sakunda Holdings, a subsidiary of Trafigura, a company that has control in excess of 35% of the fuel market.

Tagwireyi has mining interests that include his recent acquisition of Freda Rebecca Mine and Bindura Nickel Corporation and a touted 30% stake as a partner in the Russian Darwendale Platinum project. He is the main benefactor of Command Agriculture that gobbled a staggering US$3 billion in the past agriculture season, but the country is reeling from massive food insecurity.

Tagwireyi has also featured prominently in the ongoing Vice-President Constantino Chiwenga’s messy divorce at the High Court. It is revealed in court papers that Tagwireyi bought the former army general a Lexus Suv to monitor Command Agriculture and a Mercedes Benz salon car to ferry the VP’s children to school.

It is the same Tagwireyi who is a member of the elite presidential advisory council formed by President Emmerson Mnangagwa after he won the 2018 presidential elections, albeit in a controversial pattern. He has travelled with Mnangagwa to Eastern Europe and for good measure bought an infamous signed scarf at an auction for a staggering US$250 000.

Musarara is the chairman of the Grain Millers Association of Zimbabwe, an organisation at the centre of providing subsidised mealie-meal. He is not new to working with the regime. Musarara has twice failed to become a Member of Parliament for Mazowe, but was a prominent member of the Kimberley Process (KP) during Obert Mpofu’s tenure at the mining ministry. The KP certifies the sale of diamonds at the Anterwep Diamond market, Belgium.

Rautenbach is a shady character after he was deported from three African countries for tax evasion or illicit trading in minerals. He had some of his properties attached for evading tax in South Africa and Botswana. In the Democratic Republic of Congo, Rautenbach was deported by Laurent Kabila after some unsavoury acts at State-controlled mining firm Gecamines. Rautenbach was the only Zimbabwean not a politician or military officer of the seven blacklisted persons by the United Nations for plundering DRC diamonds.

Rautenbach leases more than 20 000 hectares of land from the Zimbabwean government, which he uses to produce sugarcane for ethanol production. His company, Green Fuels, has an exclusive agreement with government to be the only company that supplies ethanol used for the mandatory blending of petrol in the country. Rautenbach has a fleet of haulage trucks that operate in the Sadc region and will soon be expanding his sugarcane production as the government has given him a new lease at Nuanetsi Ranch.

Rautenbach, like Tagwireyi, has a close relationship with Mnangagwa since the infamous Tsholotsho Declaration in 2004. Rautenbach’s name featured prominently as one of Mnangagwa’s funders at the time when he sought to be the late former President Robert Mugabe’s number two.

Matutu and Tsenengamu are probably barking up the wrong tree. Zanu PF leadership is not about to be held accountable since it trashed the leadership code in the late 1980s. This was an internal party agreement that leaders had to declare their assets and were not permitted to engage in primitive accumulation of wealth like what has become the norm today.

Mnangagwa after the November 2017 coup made the right noises too about transparency and accountability and for a while most Zimbabweans thought we had reached the biblical Canaan. Mnangagwa threatened to relentlessly pursue forex externalisers and have Cabinet ministers declare their assets (of course any of the properties to be declared had to be above US$100 000). One can only wonder what Tsenengamu meant when he said: “If you go to Tagwireyi’s car sales, he has top of the range vehicles he brought under the Command Agriculture scheme. He has done this because leaders have allowed it. Our leaders must now choose whether they want to stand with Tagwireyi or the people.”

Will Mnangagwa “the listening President” come to the party and clampdown on corruption? Or this is another sideshow as Zanu PF internal fights are playing out for public sympathy and pretending that they are with the suffering masses? One thing for certain, Zanu PF will not lose its corruption spots like the leopard.

Paidamoyo Muzulu is a journalist and writes here in his personal capacity.

THE Zimbabwe Clothing Manufacturers’ Association (Zcma) has urged government to use the clothing industry as a driver of employment and economic growth, just like what other developing countries have done and succeeded.

BY MTHANDAZO NYONI

Zcma chairperson Jeremy Youmans told NewsDay Business that there was need for government to fully support the clothing and textile industry which employed over 35 000 people at the turn of the millennium.

Currently, the sector employs about 3 500 people.

“The local textile industry is under extreme distress. They export most of their products. This means that our industry needs to import more and more. We are the biggest value adder in the value chain and so allocations of forex to the clothing sector should have the biggest payback,” Youmans said.

“The value addition from cotton lint to garment is 940 %, which is huge. We need to maximise this as an industry and a country. Most other developing countries succeeded in using the clothing industry as a driver of employment and economic growth, but we are failing to prioritise support in proportion to the payback and benefits that will be created,” he said.

Youmans said there was still no progress on the resolution of Zimbabwe-South Africa Bi-Lateral Trade Agreement (Zim-SA BTA) which was revoked a few years ago.

The 1964 agreement provided Zimbabwe access to SA on similar terms as Comesa, the rest of the African continent, Europe and the US under the African Growth and Opportunity Act (Agoa).

“We still have no progress on the resolution of the Zimbabwe-South Africa Bi-Lateral Trade Agreement (BTA). This 1964 agreement provides access to SA on similar terms as Comesa, the rest of the African continent, Europe and the US under the African Growth and Opportunity Act,” he said.

“But Sadc rules restrict the ability to trade, and therefore the BTA is essential to our ability to grow, employ, export and provide the country with a core economic driver. We are in regular and multiple contacts with the government but it remains unresolved.”

Youmans said if barriers to industrialization were removed, the industry could grow significantly.

“Getting the same access to SA that we enjoy with effectively the rest of the world, would create multitudes of opportunities and the industry could respond very quickly, as long as allocations of forex are available for raw materials rather than for thousands of consumer goods which are running out of consumers who can afford them,” he said.

The Zcma boss said they could employ and train people quickly and produce garments in very short periods. In such a situation, they would employ over 5 000 people in the short term, and lot of that could be done in 2020.

A LOCAL company, Pusha Maworks will on February 10 hold a skills training workshop under the banner Community Edition Event in Hatcliffe, Harare, to empower local creatives interested in beading.

BY CHELSEA MUSAFARE

The debut community edition will be hosted by expert beader Silas Nyamhandu and is open to young people keen on acquiring income-generating knowledge.

Co-founded by Byron Kabaira (pictured) and Diana Elisha Nheera, the organisation aims to steer development in communities while creating opportunities for developing income means for economically active people through training workshops and business guidance.

The duo said in a statement the “community edition” would cover a vast number of vocational skills.

“As an ongoing quest to foster leadership while steering development in all aspects of life, we hereby launch the community edition where the team seeks to facilitate skills transfer and skills sharing between selected individuals excelling in fields dependent on practical skills. This will cover a large number of vocational skills like beading, carpentry, martial arts, welding, among others,” they said.

Last year, the firm launched an ambitious project promotion campaign for artists and managers, with artists from different disciples, artist managers and businesspeople leading the discussion on how the arts can align with expected business principles to improve their brands.

Pusha Maworks is currently engaged in an ongoing “indie” literacy campaign on the United Nations Sustainable Development Goals.

The Constitutional Court must be applauded for handing down far reaching judgments in so far as the promotion, protection and fulfilment of human rights set out in the Constitution is concerned. Among these judgments is State v Chokuramba CCZ 10/19 which outlawed the imposition of corporal punishment on male juveniles convicted of criminal offences. Corporal punishment is any punishment in which physical force is used to cause some degree of pain or discomfort. Whipping, slapping, spanking, kicking, pinching or any punishment calculated to cause bodily harm is corporal punishment. The Constitutional Court is yet to determine whether or not parents at home and teachers at school should beat up children for disciplinary purposes.

Section 175 of the Constitution provides that where a court makes an order declaring any law to be constitutionally invalid, such an order has no force of law until confirmed by the Constitutional Court. Simply put, only the Constitutional Court can make a final decision on constitutional invalidity. Where for example, the High Court makes an order to the effect that a certain law is unconstitutional, the case in question must be referred to the Constitutional Court for confirmation or discharge.

Judicial corporal punishment used to be authorised by section 353 of the Criminal Procedure and Evidence Act, Chapter 9:07(CPEA). The Honourable Justice Muremba referred the case of S v Chokuramba to the Constitutional Court after making an order to the effect that judicial corporal punishment upon male juveniles is unconstitutional.
Subsequently the Constitutional Court in terms of section 175 of the Constitution struck down section 353 of the CPEA and declared that with effect from April 3 2019 no male juvenile convicted of any offence shall be sentenced to receive moderate corporal punishment.

Section 241 of the Criminal Law (Codification and Reform) Act, Chapter 9:23 permits parents and guardians to administer moderate corporal punishment on boys and girls under eighteen. It also authorises school teachers to administer moderate corporal punishment on boys under eighteen. Corporal punishment upon female pupils is, however, prohibited.
On March 3 2017, the Honourable Justice Mangota referred the case of Pfungwa and Another v Headmistress of Belvedere Jnr Primary School and Others HH 148/17 to the Constitutional Court in terms of section 175 of the Constitution.
The case involved a minor female pupil who was assaulted with a thick rubber pipe by her school teacher. The reason for the beating was that her mother had not signed her reading book as confirmation that homework had been done. The pupil allegedly suffered red bruises on her back as a result of the assault.

Linah Pfungwa, the assaulted pupil’s mother went on to send pictures of her bruised daughter on a WhatsApp group for parents and it turned out that other pupils had also been assaulted by the same teacher. Linah Pfungwa together with Justice for Children Trust then took the matter to the High Court to seek an order to have corporal punishment in school and in the home declared unconstitutional. Justice for Children Trust is a corporate body whose main objective is to ensure that international standards which protect children are realised and actualised in Zimbabwe. Represented by Mr Tendai Biti, Justice for Children Trust also made contributions in the landmark case of S v Chokuramba.

Arguing for the applicants in the Pfungwa case, Tendai Biti submitted that corporal punishment in the home and in school is unconstitutional in the sense that it violates sections 51, 53 and 81 of the Constitution. Section 51 confers on every person, the right to human dignity. Section 53 provides that “No person may be subjected to physical or psychological torture or to cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment or punishment”. Section 81 elaborates the rights of children. It provides that children have rights inter alia, to equal treatment before the law and to be protected from any form of abuse. Convinced by the applicants’ arguments the High Court referred the Pfungwa case to the Constitutional for a declaration of constitutional invalidity. The case is still awaiting confirmation.

If the Constitutional Court confirms the High Court’s findings in Pfungwa, no one, whether a teacher at school or a parent at home will be allowed to whip, smack, slap, spank, kick or even pinch a child. Parents and teachers will have to resort to other means of instilling discipline than corporal punishment.

The decision of the Constitutional Court will be final. It is a no-brainer that disallowing parents to discipline their own children through corporal punishment will brew public outcry.

While it may be argued that corporal punishment is unconstitutional, a blanket ban approach seem not to be the best solution. In Pfungwa, Mr Biti argued that ‘corporal punishment in school is dangerous in that it is administered indiscriminately without any measure or control over the teachers who administer it. The point I make from this argument is that corporal punishment is a necessary tool for instilling discipline but it must be vigilantly administered. It is submitted that stringent measures must be put in place in schools to ensure corporal punishment is not indiscriminately administered.

Parents and guardians who indiscriminately administer corporal punishment must be arrested for contravening section 7 of the Children’s Act, Chapter 5:06. The maximum sentence that a court can impose upon conviction is 5 years imprisonment or a level 10 fine (RTGS$6000). The sentencing guideline for the offence seem to be deterrent enough.

As long as corporal punishment is vigilantly administered, it cannot be said to be a violation of a child’s dignity. Neither can it be argued to be an inhuman or a degrading punishment. If on the other hand it is indiscriminately administered, as was in Pfungwa, it undeniably becomes unconstitutional. Sometimes the use of the rod would be the child’s best interests. Be that as it may be, the Constitutional Court is going determine whether the rod should be spared. The nation is curiously waiting for yet another far reaching judgement.

ONE of the golden finds of the urban grooves music genre of the early 2000s Leonard Mapfumo, is among the few still standing.

SoundTrack with Chelsea Musafare

The genre owes its lift off to former Information minister Jonathan Moyo’s controversial 75% local content policy on local radio stations.

Although many of the youngsters that emerged during that golden era — including Roy and Royce Gomo, David Chifunyise, Betty Makaya, Balt and Beit, Shame and Nathan appeared to have gone off the radar, others have seen their music metamorphose following the emergence of Zimdancehall.

For the likes of Rockford “Roki” Josphat, ExQ, Stunner and Maskiri, innovation was the key that kept them afloat.
This has seen the burden of fighting for pure urban grooves thrust on the shoulders of Mapfumo and a few others, who have continued to release music in the genre.

The Dreamstar Zimbabwe Talent Show artistic director shot to fame in 2002 with his single, Seiko, and has continued on course, with his most recent tracks, Huwii and Nhodo, cementing his place in the annals of urban grooves history.

In 2005, Mapfumo produced an album with Roki, titled R & L with the song Maidei, which reached the number one spot on ZBC top 10 singles charts and stayed on the charts for 42 weeks, a feat that is yet to be achieved ever since by any other musician.

His tracks, Two Chete, Chiuya, Shevedza and Shamwari were also dominant.

Inspired by real life events, the hit-maker has been releasing love songs that resonate with many of his mainly youthful fans and if online music platforms records are anything to go by, the musician has reinvented himself to remain relevant.

Last year, Mapfumo released two music videos which have garnered 12 million views on YouTube.
Mapfumo’s sound evolved to Afro-pop at the launch of Trevor Dongo’s music video, Hazvidi Nharo, in which he is featured.

He makes music that resonates with mature people and mainly dwells on love and the struggles that are faced by ordinary citizens living in the ghettos like the song, Hazvidi Nharo, which narrates a ghetto love story.

The album, NaMapfumo, had every song featuring at least one artiste to spice up the tracks with their sweet harmonious voices. The love song, Two Chete, featuring Trevor Dongo and Rutendo had fans in their feel.

Maidei, a favourite for many themed around an unfaithful ex-lover, features ExQ. Mvura, featuring Sani Makhalima, impressed quite a lot of music lovers since Sani is a guru when it comes to choruses with a sweet accord. Usazoputsa is blessed with some lovely vocals by Trevor and Shingie and the same goes for Sherrie, featuring Cindy Raw.

Mapfumo’s music has driven relationships with the words crafted by the talented artiste always conveying messages between love birds.

In the days gone by in the absence of digital technology and before people could send songs to each other via WhatsApp or such other share links, his songs were used as dedication love songs in good or bad relationship situations.

When it comes to video production, the singer has been releasing some of the best music videos ever since he returned from sabbatical. His choice when it comes to locations, cameras makes him produce top notch videos.

When it comes to creativity, he is one of the highly-rated artistes in the country. His sonorous voice is unique in the music circles, especially when compared to his urban grooves peers.

Mapfumo has shown how flexible he is by releasing hard-hitting verses with entertaining word plays and punchlines. Working with different producers, new artistes, creative people, exchanging ideas and the willingness to learn has helped him remain strong and creative.

As he soldiers on, Mapfumo is currently working on more projects this year to add to his discography. In a bid to expand his brand, the singer is yet to venture into new avenues and explore more in his roles as talent scout, manager and artistic director.

Since his 2020 resolution is to target the international market as it promotes local music, Mapfumo will next month release a track titled No Lie in which he will feature DRC’s talented young artiste, Novy Kays. If Mapfumo strives to be consistent with his music, he will soon regain his former glory.

SALLY Mugabe Central Hospital (formerly Harare Central Hospital) was almost deserted yesterday as MPs in the Parliamentary Portfolio Committee Health toured the institution.

VENERANDA LANGA/VANESSA GONYE

The committee, which is chaired by Ruth Labode, was investigating reports of deteriorating state of healthcare, conditions of service of medical personnel, as well as lack of equipment and essentials at the country’s public health institutions.

Sally Mugabe Central Hospital chief executive officer (CEO) Tinashe Dhobi yesterday confirmed that the 1 200-bed hospital was now operating at around 45% capacity compared to the 70% of a few months ago.
The hospital was severely affected by a strike by doctors which began in September last year, while lack of water and high consultation fees have also resulted in deterioration of services.

“Normally, our bed occupancy is between 50% to 70%, but due to industrial action we dropped to even less than 20%, but as we speak we are at 45%,” Dhobi said.

“Besides those who are admitted at the hospital, which is around 700 patients, we see 1 700 patients in casualty and after the industrial action some departments are about to open.”

Dhobi told MPs that around 1 500 maternity cases used to be handled by the hospital per month, but these have now declined to an average 400 cases.

The hospital is also underfunded, and has severe water problems which has resulted in only four theatres out of 15 working. It is also straddled with a debt of $32 million.

The hospital CEO was, however, at loggerheads with MPs after he responded to their questions evasively and in an antagonistic manner resulting in the committee warning him that Parliament had powers to charge him with contempt.
Dhobbi also downplayed some issues that specialist doctors were raising at the hospital, which included lack of equipment and that most theatres were not in working condition.

But the hospital clinical director Christopher Pasi admitted there was serious shortage of equipment, water and nursing staff, severely crippling theatre operations.

Deputy Health Minister John Mangwiro who was present during the tour assured MPs that the Health Minister Obadiah Moyo had lobbied Treasury to ensure 700 more nurses are employed to ease staffing problems at State hospitals.
Meanwhile, the continued flexi-hour arrangement by nurses has been cited as dentrimental to the country’s already sickening health system.

Nurses continue to report for duty twice a week leaving a lot of work uncompleted, posing a threat to patients who need their undistracted attention.

“We haven’t changed, the two-day working week system is still in place. We haven’t received any communication on changes to the effect,” said a nurse at Parirenyatwa hospital who spoke on condition of anonymity.
Some of the doctors on duty acknowledged that there was a crisis that has been brought about by the flexi-system.

Nurses went on a strike in November and only came back after the introduction of the flexi-hours system.

Another visit by NewsDay to Rutsanana clinic in Glen Norah showed that nurses were working, with three of them administering immunisation care to infants with a number of mothers queuing for the service.

“This is the second time I am bringing my baby for immunisation and we have been attended to. Around October and November things were different because we could not get the services with nurses being said to be on strike,” said Stella Tingindi from Glen Norah.

HEALTH minister Obadiah Moyo was yesterday grilled by Parliament over Zimbabwe’s preparedness to deal with the coronavirus should it be detected in the country.

BY VENERANDA LANGA/GARIKAI TUNHIRA

Moyo had appeared before the Ruth Labode-led Parliamentary Portfolio Committee on Health to respond to a petition by the Senior Doctors Hospitals Association (SDHA) on the dearth of Zimbabwe’s health system and other grievances by doctors pertaining to conditions of service.

SDHA president Shingai Nyaguse doubted the country’s preparedness, but later when Moyo appeared before the committee, he said Zimbabwe was well prepared.

“Our laboratories are not at a stage of testing for the coronavirus. What it means is that the World Health Organisation (WHO) will be taking samples of suspected cases to laboratories in South Africa. Our infectious diseases hospitals should also be prepared with oxygen,” Nyaguse said.

But Moyo said all the ports of entry, and airports were ready to tackle the virus should it emerge.

“We have adequate thermo scanners at our borders. As far as isolation is concerned, we make sure that all visitors are well checked and should there be symptoms, we will put them in quarantine. The best quarantine facility is in Victoria Falls, where there are tourists,” he said.

“We are aware that the treatment utilised is antiretroviral drugs which works. The coronavirus emanates from animals and is transmitted to persons. It is a respiratory illness. We must educate people to always cover their mouths when coughing and wash hands.”

Moyo said his ministry had identified equipment for testing of the coronavirus.

“The equipment is there, but what is missing are test kits so that we do not continue to send samples to South Africa,” he said.

Meanwhile, the Zimbabwe Association of Doctors for Human Rights (ZADHR), in a statement, said the government must enforce adequate surveillance measures at all ports of entry into the country.

“Such mechanisms must be in place to diagnose suspected patients, provide treatment facilities which minimise further spread to others and/or health workers and to do contact tracing for all suspected traces. Active surveillance, prompt diagnosis and effective treatment of infected individuals have been shown to be the mainstay of containing outbreaks,” ZADHR executive director Calvin Fambirai said.

He said this called for health workers to be mobilised, trained, equipped and well protected to deal with any suspected or confirmed cases of coronavirus.