BY GIBSON NYIKADZINO

ON a calm working day, an excited and jovial Lisa Moyo (28) cuddled Jason Ndhlovu (39), before starting work.
A week later, Ndhlovu, a father of three, hung his intemperate hand around Moyo’s waist and massaged her back.

Moyo, however, quickly reported the matter to the human resources department. A tribunal was set up and after the hearing, Ndhlovu was charged with sexual harassment and inappropriate conduct. Previous misdemeanours and other work-related convictions led to a stern final warning.

Today he is a cautious man: “I regret that gesture, and today I am scared of committing mistakes at work because I am working with my mind on the final warning. In other instances, I imagine the number of men who are sexually harassed at work by women, but do not report their grievances.”

The issue of violence and harassment in the workplace is common. The harassment manifests in many forms although some gestures and actions towards workmates are overlooked, but constitute harassment.

Women also sexually harass men by the way they dress and through vulgar comments passed to male subordinates.

Violence and harassment in the world of work can happen everywhere — online, in the physical workspace, at the place where workers rest, eat or attend to their health and sanitation needs as well as at social gatherings.

“Some hugs that people do in the workplace constitute harassment. Be careful of those practices,” said Mandas Marikanda, Zimbabwe Women’s Microfinance Bank (ZWMB) chief executive officer at a meeting on violence and harassment in the world of work.

Employers have stressed issues of violence and harassment at the workplace as no-go areas and anyone who emboldens his conscience to cross the line will be exposing themselves to disciplinary action.

“My wife is not even aware that I was given a final warning at work. I have not reported Moyo to the human resources department because I never thought that she was probably harassing me. I think women are overly protected in the workplaces,” Ndhlovu said.

For ages, the level of interaction at work between men and women has been maintained and developed through codes of practice and knowledge sharing.

General workplace rules stipulate that codes of practice and the law are meant to harmonise human behaviour by taking out the idea of what individuals think is normal behaviour at work, since unchecked behaviour is likely to result in abuse of the vulnerable and the thriving of those with predatory sexual behaviours.

Last June, at the International Labour Conference, members voted overwhelmingly to adopt a new convention and recommendation to end violence and harassment in the workplace. Convention 190 (C190), which is supplemented by Recommendation 206 of June last year, is the first international standard that aims to put an end to violence and harassment in the world of work, recognising everyone’s rights are protected despite their contractual status.

Zimbabwe’s Constitution provides a strong legal framework to promote gender equality, with many clauses covering equal representation of men and women in public office and decision-making positions, non-discrimination and gender parity.

Furthermore, Zimbabwe is a signatory to various regional and international protocols, including the Convention on the Elimination of all forms of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW).

“Unfortunately, the many reports on gender-based violence in both public and private spaces are an indication that signing and committing to those legal instruments supposed to protect women have not yet translated into reality.

“We live under cultural, economic and political structures that continue to exploit and de-value women and their contributions,” says Naomy Lintini, a technical advisor with the International Labour Organisation, Harare office. Available data and stories coming up daily continue to prove that gender-based violence in the world of work is pervasive and persistent.

Through C190, the Zimbabwe Congress of Trade Unions (ZCTU) noticed that the treaty represents an extraordinary opportunity for unions to move their fight against gender-based violence forward.

“We were excited when the convention was adopted because here we want to popularise it within our structures through support and collaboration with women and youth in labour,” noted ZCTU secretary-general Japhet Moyo.

“We intend to work with the government on this convention because the Constitution obliges government to ratify and domesticate it, and as part of our advocacy, we will remind government of its obligations.”

Mavis Mangove, a labour market analyst and counsellor, urged workmates to remain professional by avoiding comments and actions that put their jobs at risk.

She acknowledged that while many people wanted to breathe life in relations and interactions at the workplace, hugs and other adult behaviours needed to be checked.

“A normal hug is one without a sexualised approach and minimum duration. Once one crosses that line of moderacy, it becomes easy for the one they are hugging to raise concerns in the workplace,” she said.

“At the same time, both men and women should be able to express themselves at work by maintaining dress codes that dignify their stature and still build professional relations with others. In terms of dress, should disagreement arise, companies can end up with uniforms in the workplace to avoid such pitfalls.”

To Zimbabwe’s employers and employees, C190 provides momentum to fight violence and harassment, and empower each other in the world of work by ensuring local implementation and compliance. Unions have an important role to play to make sure the convention becomes part of national laws by building alliances with other stakeholders and women’s rights groups to bridge the gap between the labour rights and women’s rights movements.

Zimbabwe will host their first Test in over two years when they play Sri Lanka in a two-match series starting January 19.

This will also be their first assignment since the International Cricket Council (ICC) reinstated their membership following a three-month suspension last July.

Sean Williams will lead the new squad that will be picked based on performances in the Logan Cup, Zimbabwe’s first-class competition that is currently underway, and assemble together today to start training.

“For us, it’s a new beginning, a new chapter,” head coach Lalchand Rajput said.

“And it’s good that we are starting off with the long version which always brings the best out of players.”

Although Zimbabwe continued to play through the time they were penalised by the ICC, they haven’t gone through the rigours of a Test match since November 2018, when they went to Bangladesh and secured their first win away from home in 18 years.

Given that, Rajput put a premium on his players’ form in domestic cricket and hoped they would hit the ground running against Sri Lanka.

“Sri Lanka are always a very competitive team who have been playing well and I am looking forward to the Test series.”

“It’s important to have players performing well in first-class cricket,” he said.

“And I am happy that in the Logan Cup we have players who have scored centuries and taken five wickets and more. This bodes well for our preparations and it’s always good to have players who are match-fit and in good nick.

“During our 10-day camp, we will attend to a few issues, including the processes, as we fine-tune our team ahead of the series.”

The Harare Sports Club will host both matches, the second one starting on January 27.

“We know our home conditions better, our players are getting match-fit and enjoying some game time. So all we have to do is to get in the middle and perform,” Rajput said.

“We have not had much game time, so the players will be very keen and eager to seize this opportunity and do well.”

Zimbabwe have confirmed that all-rounder Sean Williams will be their new test captain following the retirement of Hamilton Masakadza, who has since moved into the role of director of
cricket.

Former Zimbabwe international David Mutendera has been named as the new convener of selectors, joining Gavin Ewing, Shepherd Makunura and Prosper Utseya on the panel.
— ESPNcricinfo/Reuters

guest column:Alex T. Magaisa

This was in contradiction to the public criticism that mainly came from the Western countries.
However, this caused a strain in relations with the MDC, which insisted that it was not a puppet of the West as claimed by Mugabe and Zanu PF. Both of the major political players that Mbeki dealt with then, Mugabe and Tsvangirai are deceased but it’s not clear that Mbeki’s views on the Zimbabwean political parties have changed. Has Mbeki’s views on regime-change and the MDC changed with the passage of time? Does he relate with Mnangagwa and Chamisa differently from what was clearly a strong relationship with Mugabe? Does he have any more respect for Chamisa than he had for Tsvangirai?

Language of power

His most recent statements do not suggest a man who has changed in his approach towards Zimbabwe and its major political players. He is still talking the language of the political establishment, making it comfortable rather than questioning its wrongful behavour towards citizens. For example, he seems to have already formed a position that Chamisa must accept the decision of the Constitutional court on the presidential election. In framing it this way, Mbeki is merely repeating Zanu PF’s call and taking it for granted that political referees and processes are fair and command respect.

What this approach misses is that the Zimbabwean problem goes deeper than the court’s judgment. Ordinarily, the validity of the court’s judgment does not depend on Chamisa’s acceptance of it. It should not matter whether or not Chamisa accepts it. It is not just Chamisa who has rejected the outcome of the processes as led by ZEC and the Constitutional Court but the political, economic and social markets as well. If these markets had accepted the outcomes of the election and judicial process, Chamisa’s protestations would not have mattered at all.

Zimbabwe would have moved on without him. But they have not and that is why Mbeki has been to Zimbabwe. His return to Zimbabwe is an acknowledgement that the process and outcome of an election is not just a legal matter. The courts do not have the power to resolve political questions.

Mbeki should be asking why these markets value Chamisa’s response more than the judgment itself; why they haven’t given much regard to the judgment. He should be asking why Chamisa is rejecting the judgment and why the regime is so desperate for Chamisa’s consent. They cannot trivialise Chamisa’s consent while at the same time demanding it. Only by going beyond the superfluous veil of the judgment will a mediator be able to identify the problems and offer lasting solutions.

But, of course, attempts to trivialise Chamisa’s consent are futile. They have already tried it with the political actors dialogue (Polad). Without the biggest opposition leader, Polad was a sham from the beginning. It has since proved to be no more than a group of enablers desperate to align with Mnangagwa and using attacks on Chamisa and the MDC Alliance to buy their way onto the gravy train. Polad was presented as an inclusive dialogue, but for Mnangagwa it is just a platform to trivialise and dilute his main rival, Chamisa. If Mbeki’s mediation efforts are intended to bring Chamisa into Polad he would simply be enabling Mnangagwa’s charade, not solving the problem.

His meeting with a gleeful group of Polad members might be seen as a courteous first effort to listen to everyone, but it shouldn’t take him too long to realise that it’s Mnangagwa’s pet project which won’t get him far. No serious interlocutor would spend more time with Polad. Indeed, Chamisa would lose credibility among his party’s followers if he reneged on his initial position and capitulated to tie to the Polad project. Even if they give it another name, it would still be foul. In any event, the very fact that there is desperate call to bring him into Polad via the backdoor suggests even its authors know it’s inadequate.

The heart of the matter

At the heart of the current crisis is the inability of Zimbabwe’s political system to produce electoral outcomes that enjoy the confidence and trust of all contestants. It is a political system that, for the past two decades, has failed to produce a democratically legitimate government. Although the dispute normally manifests over the outcome of elections, the real point of dispute is in the electoral process. It is not a one-off phenomenon but one that has been consistent over a period of time.

There was an opportunity to fix this, between 2009 and 2013, when the country was under an Inclusive Government following Mbeki’s mediation in 2008. That opportunity went begging thanks in large part to a hastily concocted agreement which left the bulk of power in the hands of Zanu PF and therefore impeded the changes that were needed. The MDC got a raw deal. It would be foolhardy to ignore the fact that the mediator of that poor deal was President Mbeki. The result is there were no meaningful reforms between 2009 and 2013, and it is no accident that the elections that year failed to produce an outcome with democratic legitimacy.

For a standard against which to measure Zimbabwe, Mbeki need look no further than the country he once led. Everyone who participates in an election generally accepts the outcome.

This is because political referees who run elections enjoy the confidence of all serious participants. It’s also because the judicial system works and enjoys the confidence of litigants. The military and police behave professionally and respect their constitutional boundaries. These political referees are trusted so that even if a party loses, they can accept the outcome knowing they have been given fair treatment and that they can always try another day. The situation in Zimbabwe, on the other hand, is distinctly different because political referees are captured by the ruling party. This capture of political referees impugns the legitimacy of processes over which they preside, be they political, electoral or judicial. It goes without saying that there can be no lasting solution unless this political capture of institutions is resolved. This is the essence of political reforms. Unless this is done, the next electoral process will produce the same disputed outcomes.

One of the advantages that Mbeki brings is that he comes from a country that has built strong and independent institutions. They are epitomised by a powerful, independent and competent judiciary which can rightly be regarded as one of the world leaders in its field. He, along with fellow South Africans, helped to build these institutions. When he was sacked by the political process in 2008, he duly accepted his fate and walked away. He set a precedent that in a twist of irony the instigator of his downfall and his successor, President Zuma, would follow a decade later.

By doing so, both men have helped nurture a culture of norms that oil the South African political system. They have built institutions which can, peacefully and without resorting to the raw power of the military, hold the strongest to account. Yet when dealing with the Zimbabwean crisis and others on the continent, Mbeki seems comfortable to lower the bar; condoning behaviour that he would never accept in his own country. Hence instead of condemning President Mugabe and the violence in 2008, he publicly feigned ignorance of the crisis that was unfolding. This week, although his intervention is obviously promoted by a real crisis in Zimbabwe, he still talks about supporting the government without acknowledging the egregious and unacceptable violence upon citizens.

Zimbabwe needs truthful, honest peers

Zimbabwe needs peers who are truthful, honest and frank, not those who mollycoddle the regime. Regional peers who think of making the regime comfortable are effectively enabling repression. The role of regional actors as enablers was highlighted. This is partly because they remain silent in the face of State-sponsored violence and human rights violations. It is also because they actively support the regime while ignoring the plight of citizens. Both reactions give comfort to the regime. They create a moral hazard in that the regime has incentives to misbehave in full the knowledge of the fact that there will be no regional censure.

The problem of State-sponsored political violence has been endemic ever since the dawn of independence and it is at the centre of contamination of the political process, which leads to illegitimacy. It is common cause that the colonial State was a violent State. The Zanu PF State simply carried on from where the Rhodesian Front left. What Zimbabwe needs, far more than mediation, is a clear and unambiguous position from its peers that this is unacceptable. Anything else is just papering over the cracks.

There are reasons why many Zimbabweans don’t trust their political referees. They have been hurt too many times to the point that they have lost confidence in a political system that habitually sways in favour of Zanu PF. If somehow he manages to persuade the MDC Alliance into some pact with Zanu PF, citizens are likely to dismiss it as yet another elite pact, just like the 1979 Lancaster House Constitutional Agreement; the 1987 Unity Accord and the 2008 GPA. All these agreements have one thing in common: they created room to accommodate feuding politicians but failed to produce substantive and lasting changes in the lives of ordinary people.

Constitutional amendments

The proposed constitutional amendments are a clear indicator to Mbeki of the insincerity of the regime that he is dealing with. The collective effect of the proposed amendments is to increase presidential power. This follows the first amendment in 2017 which was also designed to increase the power of the president. In effect, the mild gains of the 2013 Constitution in limiting presidential power are being reversed. Instead of implementing political reforms as per the constitution, the regime is amending the constitution to reverse those reforms.

Mbeki might have a soft spot for a party that draws roots in liberation politics, but the regime it leads is not amenable to progressive ideas. The way the regime is hell-bent on changing the young constitution to re-create an imperial presidency is the behaviour of a reactionary organisation which is preoccupied with amassing and retaining power at all costs.

If peers are to be involved at all, it would be to discourage such retrogressive behaviour. Giving succour to the regime will only have the effect of enabling authoritarianism.

Zimbabwe has been down this hideous path before, when in the 1980s the Constitution was amended to create an Executive Presidency, dismantling the original constitution which had institutional checks and balances. The current set of amendments, at a time when the regime is feigning reforms, suggest that the country is going down a similarly ugly path of authoritarian rule.

There’s a stone in my shoe

Mbeki has the advantage of knowing Zimbabwe better than most leaders on the continent. But there is also a risk that his knowledge and experience combine to make him far more than a neutral observer. When you have been involved in a dispute for too long, familiarity might breed partiality for one of them. And, as we have seen, that is a challenge that Mbeki faces in the eyes of some Zimbabweans who see him as too close to Zanu PF.

Why now? Why him? Since Zanu PF is so confident of its victory and the legitimacy of its power, what would they want from the loser that they routinely mock, condemn and malign as irrelevant? The economic situation is desperate and showing no signs of getting any better. This is the cost of flawed elections that produce outcomes that are bereft of legitimacy. It is the cost of political stubbornness and intransigence. The nation endured it under Mugabe and the costs have escalated under Mnangagwa.

When Don Altobello meets Mosca in The Godfather Part III he wants help to eliminate a Mafia rival. “There is a stone in my shoe. I want you to remove it,” he says to Mosca, a euphemism for eliminating a problem. President Mbeki helped shift a stone in Mugabe’s shoe in 2008. Some fear that he is back to do it again, but this time for Mnangagwa. It goes without saying that Chamisa and the MDC Alliance must tread very carefully. What Zimbabwe needs is more than removing a stone in Mnangagwa’s shoe.

SNEAK PEEK :Precious Chida

GOSPEL musician Daniel Mhere — younger brother to Favour hitmaker Mathias — says he believes his third album, Another Level, released recently, will be a game changer for him. The Gweru-based musician, who has three albums to date, says while many fans claim that he rides on his elder brother’s popularity, he has since tried to differentiate his music from Mathias’ despite having started off together. NewsDay (ND) Life & Style reporter Precious Chida caught up with Mhere (DM) who opened up about his music journey. Below are excerpts from the interview:

ND: Tell us briefly how your music journey started?

DM: I started music long back, but I only started recording in 2014. I take music as inborn because I remember joining the school choir when I was in Grade 3.

ND: What inspires your music and how do you come up with songs?

DM: Most of the time I just observe what is happening in life and come up with a song, whether it’s a good or bad situation. I come up with a song from those circumstances.
ND: How has Another Level been received?

DM: The title track is the one that fans are loving most. I featured a number of gospel artistes on the album who include my brother, Mathias, Obert Chari, Bernard Betera and Mpostori Mlambo.

ND: Do you think this album is going to be your breakthrough?

DM: Yes, the response I am getting right now shows light to my breakthrough. A number of friends and fans are in love with the project, so I am sure it will make it.

ND: Has music been profitable enough to financially sustain you?

DM: For now I cannot say my music is giving me enough profit to sustain myself. I am still at the foundation of building the name Daniel. Building the foundation is not an easy thing.

ND: Fans often compare you to Mathias. What differentiates you from him?

DM: Yes, I might try by all means to differentiate myself from him but the fact is we are one. We are from the same family, we grew up together and we are always together, but I am trying by all means to differentiate our music through our producers and most of the songs I do are slow beats while most songs by my brother are fast-paced.

ND: What has been your biggest challenge in music?

DM: Music without sponsors . . . Whatever you want to do, there is need for start-up money, which was a major problem for me. When starting a business, you need someone to give you a hand. Recording needs a lot of money for you to come up with a project, so that is a big challenge. Marketing is a challenge as well. It is now being overtaken by piracy hooligans such that you get nothing from your music despite incuring huge expenses.

ND: What’s your take on Zimbabwean gospel music?

DM: Zimbabwe’s gospel music industry is not that vibrant nowadays because of lack of support. I believe gospel must come first because the Bible says in the beginning there was a word, and the word was with God. I wish the gospel industry was supported as it used to be in the past and we will definitely bounce back to become the best genre in Zimbabwe.

ND: Where do you see yourself in the next five years?

DM: In the next five years, I see myself being a music director, having studios and an academy to help those with passion for music.

BY VANESSA GONYE

Zimbabwe Parks and Wildlife Management Authority (ZimParks) director-general Fulton Mangwanya yesterday called on government to enact legislation to safeguard rangers who face serious threats from armed and dangerous poachers.

He said this at a funeral parlour in Harare where scores of Zimparks officials came to pay their last respects to the two rangers, Chidhumo Mabharani (49) and Timothy Tembo (35), who were found dead on Monday morning after a suspected attack by Zambian poachers they had apprehended on December 31.

“We have a serious problem with those from across the Zambezi River (Zambians). It is quite risky and unfortunate that we end up having such casualties. We want to lobby for a law that allows us to put handcuffs on poachers as well as for other areas in our line of work to avoid a similar occurrence,” he said.

ZimParks board chair, Justice Moses Chinhengo said the duty of the rangers is a difficult one which needs maximum protection for it to be executed well.

“It is not easy to safeguard the country’s wealth. It is sad that poachers are after it and they claim lives of those who protect it. It is a difficult job, they need to be protected,” he said.

Justice Chinhengo urged rangers to continue working while they find ways to resolve issues threatening their service.

“We are really sorry. It’s something that wasn’t planned and it is difficult to accept,” he said while consoling the bereaved families.

ZimParks cluster manager, Sebungwe region, Midwell Kapesa said the loss was too big for the unit because the two were dedicated workers.

“Records will tell that the two were dedicated members. They were working all night on the day they met their fate when they arrested four Zambian nationals and seven locals. It was when they were transporting the Zambian nationals that they lost their lives,” he said.

“They were dedicated to duty and, as ZimParks, we have lost conservation heroes who were dedicated to their job.”

Mabharani left behind two minor children and a wife, while Tembo left behind one child and a wife.

The two will be buried today in Gokwe and Kariba, respectively.

BY BLESSED MHLANGA

FORMER United States ambassador to Zimbabwe, Harry Thomas, has warned that high-level corruption in President Emmerson Mnangagwa’s administration might frustrate mobilisation of food aid for the country’s estimated seven million food insecure citizens.

Thomas told American television station PBS that top officials in the Zanu PF government were inflating prices of grain imports and pocketing the proceeds and in the process scaring away international donors offering to help those in need of food aid.

“There is concern that continuing corruption can mean that the people of Zimbabwe could not get the help they need, but we need to hold the government accountable,” he said.

“For example, they have imported wheat from Tanzania, the worldwide prices is about US$240 to US$250 per tonne. They charge US$600 per tonne, so they have inflated the price, so the wealthy and cronies can buy it and sell it at a price double the worldwide price. They are trying to import some from Mozambique, but Mozambique wants to be paid in hard currency and the people are suffering and these are brilliant people.”

Thomas also expressed concern over looting of mineral resources by the country’s well-connected and elite class, while ordinary citizens are wallowing in abject poverty and failing to send their children to school.

“To see people not to have to send their kids to school, to have to walk to work … is heart rendering. (The) people of Zimbabwe deserve better,” he said.

“This is because of massive corruption, mismanagement from many years. The government and leaders of Zimbabwe are only interested in power accumulation and wealth maintenance. It’s unfortunate, it’s man-made, in spite of the drought, but people of Zimbabwe deserve better. It happens when its leaders take all of the money that they earn through selling minerals as they should, gold, platinum. They are a very wealthy country, (but the leaders) put it in their pockets.”

But Information secretary Ndavaningi Mangwana dismissed Thomas’s claims, saying government was not sourcing its wheat from Tanzania or Mozambique,.

“We are buying wheat from neither Mozambique nor Tanzania,” Mangwana curtly said, although the Reserve Bank of Zimbabwe (RBZ) went on record in June last year saying it had released US$7 million for the procurement of 19 000 tonnes wheat from Mozambique, translating to around $368,42 per tonne.

Local millers buy wheat from the Grain Marketing Board at
$8 000/tonne, which translates to US$533 at the current interbank rate.

Grain Millers Association of Zimbabwe chairman Tafadzwa Musarara said he was unaware of wheat imports made by government.

“We don’t know if government is importing wheat. I think they are concentrating on maize, I can only talk about the wheat we are importing using free funds, which we land in the country at US$407 per tonne,” he said.

Meanwhile, the United Kingdom said it would continue engaging Mnangagwa’s government on the country’s food aid needs.

“Over the coming weeks, UK in Zimbabwe will be talking to Government of Zimbabwe about its response to the humanitarian situation, targeting those who need the most support,” UK Ambassador to Zimbabwe, Melanie Robinson said.

BY CHELSEA MUSAFARE

AFRO-JAZZ crooner Alexio Kawara yesterday said his forthcoming video was designed to be a soundtrack for couples in love and likely to help improve their relationships.

The musician, who came out of hibernation last year following the release of his sixth album, Oyi, said the new track — Unombozviitirei? — would be dropped on January 13.

Kawara told NewsDay Life & Style that his fans would be able to see that the video was done with a high level of creativity lacking in many local productions.

“For this video, we went all out with the wardrobe and make-up as well as the choreography. The concept itself is something that people should look forward to as we tried to make it different from a lot of videos that are seemingly lacking creativity,” he said.

The Shades of Black frontman, who started off as an urban grooves artiste, said Unombozviitirei? had a mature feel with themes of love.

“This song is definitely one of those songs that if you listen to it attentively it should trigger something in people who are in a relationship and hopefully improve it. It is about two people who are stuck together in a relationship even though they wrong each other. I am mostly inspired by the need to transform people’s mindsets,” he said.

The video was produced and directed by Simba Gee and recorded by Cornelius Muponda of Harmony Studios.

Kawara, who has been one of the most consistent musicians since bursting onto the music scene with the group Guest at the turn of the millennium, rose to national stardom with his hit Amai and later released tracks such as chart-toppers Shaina and Tinodanana.

His discography include Usazondisiya (2003), Kumba Kwenyu (2004), Pfimbi Yangu, Kana and Tose (2011).

BY JAIROS SAUNYAMA

UPON arrival at Heather Chimhoga Orphan Care (HCOC) centre deep in rural Murewa North, one is greeted by modern and state-of-the-art infrastructure at the institution.
Sandwiched by Goromonzi and Shamva districts, the centre has become home to thousands of orphans in the poverty-stricken district, with the majority of beneficiaries having their fees paid while a total of five schools in the area are currently under a school feeding programme.

The centre has been taking care of several child-headed families while water projects have been installed at surrounding schools and health centres.

However, the sweet story of HCOC was born out of tragedy, as the lead person, Chimhoga from Nyamashato and a vendor in the neighbouring South Africa died mysteriously after initiating the idea to rescue children from abject poverty as well as empower orphans, some of whom have since obtained university degrees.

Chimhoga, a member of the Presbyterian Church in South Africa returned home to Nyamashato in Murewa with her white friends who, upon arrival, were shocked to learn that the local primary school was facing closure due to dilapidated infrastructure, according to HCOC chief executive officer Albert Mukondwa. Mukondwa, who has been at the helm of the centre since its formation over a decade ago, said tragedy struck when Chimhoga was found dead at a relative’s house in Harare in 1996 while en-route from South Africa.

“Together with her white friends, Heather brought gifts to the vulnerable members of the society in her rural village and promised that they were going to renovate the dilapidating infrastructure at Nyamashato Primary School,” he said.

“After spending sometime in the rural areas, tragedy struck when Heather was found dead in her room at a relative’s house in Sunningdale. It was sad,” recalled Mukondwa, who was also an environmental technician in the area.

The testimonies about Chimhoga’s charitable works attracted the attention of the United States-based Rotarians, Ralph and Roberta Pipitt who, in 1997, visited Nyamashato and renovated the school that has since become a modern example of learning infrastructure in Murewa district.

The Pipitt family also raised funds for the refurbishment of four more other schools in the area, among them teachers’ houses.

The Rotarians, later led the motion to establish the HCOC in honour of the late philanthropist, a move that gave birth to the centre — a success story in a rural set-up.

Currently, a state-of-the art clinic is being constructed while a thriving Moringa production project will leave many with envy. The centre also has a flourishing chicken rearing project of up to 21 000 birds, with the meat being sold at the organisation’s butchery located in urban Murewa, about 25km away.

Richard Kadyauta, a social worker at HCOC, said their operations have yielded positive results in empowering the orphans.

“The school feeding programme in this area among other endeavours has been of great impact and we are happy about that. The most educated child is the orphan, the most dressed child is an orphan and this has been motivating. We buy uniforms, pay fees for even those who are in boarding schools. Some of the beneficiaries are now graduates and that is refreshing,” he said.

As of December 2019, the centre catered for 234 orphans while a total of 810 including ECDs are on the feeding programme where each beneficiary getting two meals per day — a move that has resulted in the reduction of school dropouts due to hunger. At the schools, the centre established well-equipped kitchens with modern cookers all sourced by the Rotarians. HCOC has so far taken total ownership of 15 child headed families in the area.

At the centre is also a state-of-the-art safe house that will house at least six children with the officials waiting for government to officially register them. The safe house contains a television set, well-equipped kitchen, beautiful bathrooms and three bedrooms with each containing two beds.
Currently, the centre has 32 permanent workers including some who work at the Moringa project while a lot others do come as per contract or volunteers as caregivers in the villages. HCOC is operating in 21 villages.

“As our resource base grows, we are targeting to work in 10 wards that are within our catchment area. We currently need more Moringa processing equipment. We currently have one with the workshop having a capacity to carry four more. We are saying together let’s make the children smile again,” said Mukondwa.

The electric Moringa dryer was purchased at a cost of US$21 000 with the assistance of the Rotary Club of Harare City and has a capacity of drying 1kg of Moringa powder every four hours. The organisation boasts of a four-hectare field of Moringa plants while eight women have since been employed to harvest the medicinal plant.

HCOC also runs a well-stocked clinic at Nyamashato that is manned by professional nurses and has benefitted the whole community.

Beauty Mukondwa, who heads the health department said the completion of the clinic at the centre will see more people benefitting.

“We have a clinic at Nyamashato Primary School that caters for the orphans. However, we have cases where we assist people from the community. We have all the services and a professional medical doctor visits once a month. We also refer patients to bigger institutions like Murewa District Hospital. If the clinic under construction at this centre is complete, it will serve more people if not the whole community,” she said.

The organisation also works with a religious leader Stewart Marufu who conducts home-based visits to the orphans and guides them spiritually. According to Marufu, the spiritual assistance has shaped the behaviour and moral sides of the children in a positive direction.

HCOC centre has become an outstanding feature in rural Murewa, turning a somehow marginalised community into the most-sought-after. From solar-powered water systems at schools, feeding schemes for children and a close health centre, the beneficiaries have indeed their oasis in a desert — thanks to the Rotarians who revived Chimhoga’s dream of making the world a better place.