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Zimcelebs Media Group introduces Ndipe Mic sessions

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Zimcelebs Media Group in collaboration with Big Bass Studios has just introduced the Zimbabwean version of ‘Colors’ titled Ndipe Mic.

Zimcelebs Founders Tafadzwa Rusike Gondo & Lewis John who says they were insipired by the Hollywood Colours show thus giving birth to the Ndipe Mic version.

Colors Show is a Hollywood unique aesthetic music platform with diverse and exceptional artists from all around the globe.

Speaking about this new initiative Rusike said: “To be honest I was watching John Cena by Sho Madjozi and I pitched the idea to my partner and we just decided to try it out. We partnered with big bass studios and they are in charge of the production of the episodes”.

On how they decide who to put on the show, Rusike revealed that was no criteria on who will be on the show next but a matter of availability.

“Most of the artists in Zimbabwe are rarely available for new things like this. Vanoda kuzobatika chinhu chaputika (They only want to be available when something gets prominent). We have no criteria on who is going to be on next show but what we are trying to do is to create a gender balance on our shows. Also the show is for only unreleased material and Zimcelebs media group gets to release the material first” he added

So far Ti Gonzi, Garry Tight, Celscius, Faa and Poptain have been on the show and the Zimcelebs Duo promised to drop at least three episodes a week.

“We are hoping to drop at least three episodes per week and if God permits we want to take it to the next level. We are promising fireworks so if you are an artist who thinks his or her unreleased songs can blow, get in touch with us and we plan on best way we can work together.

The videos are shot and edited by Panda Glits from Big Bass and we have We Have Willis Musalad who does photoshoots of the artists. We owe Kudakwashe Manyore the Big Bass Studios Manager who came up with the deal” Rusike said

He also revealed that the Ndipe Mic sessions first batch will be for popular artists and the rest will cater for upcoming artists only.

“We want to promote new artists so the strategy is to start with big names so that people know about the program then we start introducing new artists. We are hoping to make this a big thing and if any corporates are interested in partnering with us they can get in touch with us on our email marketing@zimcelebsonline.co.zw we are willing to work with anyone who wishes to partner with us” he said

Japan releases US$2,7m to fight hunger

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BY JAIROS SAUNYAMA

JAPAN has released US$2,7 million through the World Food Programme (WFP) to provide food to 28 500 people in 24 districts in Zimbabwe.

Speaking during the handover of Majerejere nutrition garden to the community in Tsenga ward, Mt Darwin yesterday, Japanese Ambassador to Zimbabwe, Toshiyuki Iwado said there was need to deal with food insecurity being fuelled by an economic meltdown among other things.

“Zimbabwe’s socio-economic challenges, coupled with poor growing seasons due to extreme weather conditions, have resulted in chronic food insecurity for many communities for years.

Donors including Japan have continued to provide support to the most food insecure communities in Zimbabwe,” he said.

Since 2016, Japan has funded projects amounting to US$10m, in the areas of food assistance and enhancing resilience of drought and flood-affected communities.

About seven million people are facing hunger in Zimbabwe with 5,5 million of them living in the rural areas.

Iwado said there was need for government to come up with tangible strategies to mitigate hunger.

“I strongly urge the Zimbabwe government to seriously tackle the issue of food insecurity and come up with ways of ensuring food security of its people,” he said.

This year, Japan has released a total of US$3,5m to WFP with the hunger alleviation projects being implemented in partnership with World Vision and Plan International.

WFP country director Eddie Rowe said: “The timely funding from this year, received in times of great need , have been crucial to our operational capacity amidst two climate-related disasters. We have also received assistance in maternal health care.”

The Japanese government has also been supporting the country’s agricultural sector by, for example, rehabilitating Nyakomba irrigation scheme in Manicaland province.

FC Platinum crank pressure on Caps

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BY TERRY MADYAUTA

FC PLATINUM………………(2)
NGEZI PLATINUM………..(1)

DEFENDING champions FC Platinum came from behind to beat Ngezi Platinum Stars at Mandava Stadium yesterday, a result that saw them closing the gap on log leaders Caps United to just two points.

After dropping six points in their last four matches, it looked like the Zvishavane side would surrender their title with a whimper.

But after yesterday’s result, aided by Caps United’s stuttering at the top, the Lizwe Sweswe coached side are firmly back in the title race.

They had to fight hard though to get the result after the visiting side had drawn first blood three minutes of play through Mandlenkosi Mlilo who nodded the ball home from a Donald Teguru cross.

The goal was cancelled out by Devon Chafa’s penalty after Ngezi Platinum defender Frank Mukarati was adjudged to have handled in the box.

Towering centre back Lawrence Mhlanga then put Pure Platinum Play ahead with a powerful header from a pin-point corner kick from the impressive Never Tigere on the 39th minute mark, a lead they defended stoutly until the end.

Sweswe heaved a sigh of relief at the final whistle as his side are back in the hunt for a third straight title.

“It was always going to be a tough game, but I am happy that we managed to grind a result,” Sweswe said.

“We conceded first, but we managed to bounce back and won the match. This also means that we are still in the right place to win the league, but it is still game on. I am happy with the fighting spirit shown by the boys today and I hope this continues until the final lap. There are still more games to be played so we must keep working hard until the league ends.”

His counterpart Rodwell Dhlakama was disappointed with the result.

“It’s always disappointing to lose when we play with so much passion. I am happy with the way we applied ourselves at the start of the game. We have potential to do better and I am sure that we will win our next games,” Dhlakama said

3 die in car crash

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BY DARLINGTON MWASHITA

THREE people died on the spot, while two others were seriously injured when a pirate taxi they were travelling in overturned several times along Khami Road near Delta Beverages in Bulawayo early Sunday morning.

Bulawayo provincial police spokesperson Chief Inspector Precious Simango confirmed the accident yesterday.

“The Toyota Wish vehicle was carrying five passengers moving at high speed along Khami Road. The driver, who was identified as Prince Ncube, lost control of the car at a curve and the vehicle overturned several times before landing on its side,” Simango said.

The deceased were identified as Prince Ncube (the driver), Mthulisi Dumani and Sikhumbuzo Ndlovu from Mpopoma suburb in Bulawayo.

“The other two people, Remington Ndlovu and Thabani (surname not given) sustained serious injuries and were rushed to the United Bulawayo Hospitals (UBH),” Simango said.

Son assaults mother over witchcraft

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BY RICHARD MUPONDE

A CHIPINGE man was last week dragged to court for allegedly brutally assaulting his mother over witchcraft allegations.

When the accused, Nyasha Mutisi Musembu (25), of Siyakisa village under Chief Musikavanhu, appeared before Chipinge magistrate Joshua Nembaware facing a charge of physical abuse, he, however, denied the charge and was remanded out of custody to today.

In his defence, Musembu said: “I only confronted her asking about the issue of my children who are always ill. I did not assault her at all,” he said.

But Mangwanda (69) insisted that her son assaulted her with a log, accusing her of bewitching his children.

“He came to my homestead and started accusing me of bewitching his children. He picked up a log and started assaulting me all over the body until I passed out. I was only saved by two of his brothers. He wanted to kill me,” she said.

Prosecutor Shamiso Ncube told the court that the incident occurred on October 3.

Her two other sons, Dakarai and Innocent, later came to her rescue and took her for medical treatment before she made a police report.

Ex-minister loses upmarket Harare property

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BY CHARLES LAITON

Former Lands minister Douglas Mombeshora and his wife Millicent have lost their bid to claim co-ownership of a Borrowdale property which was bought by a Harare businessman, through a public auction conducted by the Sheriff of the High Court.

The couple was also slapped with costs of suit on a higher scale.

High Court judge Justice Owen Tagu recently ruled in favour of Tendai Jemwa, who had taken Mombeshora and his wife to court seeking a dismissal of the couple’s application in which they were seeking to be declared co-owners of stand number 80 Quinnington Drive, Borrowdale, Harare.

According to court papers, Jemwa’s application arose after the Mombeshoras approached the court in June this year, seeking an order declaring them co-owners after he locked them out of the disputed property.

However, after the Mombeshoras failed to pursue the matter, Jemwa approached the High Court and sought an order declaring that the former minister and his wife had failed to prosecute their application.

“Whereupon after reading documents filed of record it is ordered that; the court application under case number HC4685/2019 be and is hereby dismissed for want of prosecution. The first and second respondents to pay costs on legal practitioner client scale,” Justice Tagu ruled.

According to Jemwa, the property in question is known as Stand number 110 Quinnington Township of Subdivision K of Borrowdale Estate, commonly referred to as number 80 Quinnington Drive, Borrowdale, Harare.

In his affidavit, Mombeshora had earlier claimed that Jemwa was denying the couple permission to enter, use and enjoy the property despite him (Jemwa) being a 50% shareholder of the property in question which he bought through a public auction conducted by the sheriff. However, after filing the court papers, the Mombeshoras never pursued the matter, prompting Jemwa to approach the court seeking a dismissal of the bid.

“I (Jemwa) filed a notice of opposition together with opposing affidavits on June 19, 2019 as will morefully appear herein as annexure B, the respondents (the Mombeshoras) went on to file an answering affidavit on July 3, 2019 as will morefully appear herein as annexure C,” Jemwa said in his affidavit.

The businessman further said ever since they filed their answering affidavit, the Mombeshoras had not bothered to file heads of argument or set the matter down for hearing as a sign of their intention to have the matter finalised.

“The respondents have clearly failed to pursue their application to date as they are obliged to at law thus to ensure the finalisation of this matter, I hereby apply for dismissal of the respondents’ court application for a declaratory order under HC4685/19 for want of prosecution,” Jemwa submitted.

Anti-sanctions march: Mnangagwa’s failed attempt to mimic Mugabe

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Nqaba Matshazi

WHEN news filtered in that Zanu PF was planning to organise a march against sanctions, I and many others were apoplectic, there were more pressing issues that needed urgent attention rather than holding a demonstration that was not going to yield any results, we argued.

If Zanu PF needed sanctions removed, they knew what to do and that was to implement reforms, we pontificated.

It was a waste of taxpayers’ money, we went on.

With the benefit of hindsight, while these were legitimate concerns, we failed to look at the bigger picture and understand what the march was really about and it may have had precious little to do with sanctions.

I will get back to this point, please bear with me.

In 2007, former war veterans leader Jabulani Sibanda organised a march, which he dubbed the million-man march to express solidarity with the late former President Robert Mugabe.

Very few people were brave enough to confront Mugabe and Sibanda over this plan, but many were not happy about the march.

I remember interviewing Mugabe’s deputy then, the late Joseph Msika, who said he supported the President, but would not join the march.

Msika failed to read the nuances behind the march and instead read it face value.

My reading of it now is that Mugabe knew that the economy had tanked and that he was facing open resistance from some Zanu PF members and he wanted to put those dissenters in their place.

The million-man march was Mugabe’s way of telling the dissenters that he was still in charge and he was far more popular than them.

In short, the march was meant to demonstrate that he was Zanu PF’s best foot forward even during the party’s darkest moment.

Almost a decade later, in 2016, with the sprouting of social movements like This Flag, Mugabe once again felt under pressure and he countered in the way he knew best; another million-man march was organised.

Again, those opposed to the march looked at it at face value and criticised Mugabe and his party for wasting taxpayers’ money, among other issues.

A year later, the murmurs and discontent in Zanu PF were growing, Mugabe was ageing but still wanted to go on, yet the party was even more divided.

The faction that supported his then deputy and later his successor, President Emmerson Mnangagwa, was on the ropes, but were fighting back strongly.

Mugabe realised that his power was under threat and soon youth interface rallies were launched countrywide.

These rallies had little to do with the youth, but rather were a demonstration that Mugabe was still powerful and commanded lots of support.

He used the rallies to berate his enemies, real or imagined, with the final rally probably meant to finish off Mnangagwa politically.

It was a strategy that he had used to perfection and there was no way it would fail him, so he thought.

It had worked before, but this time it failed spectacularly and the penultimate youth interface rally in Bulawayo proved to be his Waterloo.

Now, back to the anti-sanctions march that we started with.

Mnangagwa is a student of Mugabe, politically at least.

For almost five decades he stood by Mugabe’s side and certainly learnt a lot from the former President.

It is only natural and expected that when confronted with problems, Mnangagwa’s default mode would be to try and solve them in the same way his predecessor would have done.

Just like in 2007, Zimbabwe is on the brink with a collapsing economy and almost non-existent social services.

The opposition to his rule is quite strong and there is open dissent.

There are also murmurs of deepening divisions within the ruling party and factions seem to be taking root again.

It feels like déjà vu; and how does Mnangagwa respond, by organising a march just as his predecessor did 12 years ago.

But instead of the numbers that Mugabe commanded, Mnangagwa spoke to a handful of supporters at the National Sports Stadium in Harare on Friday.

While the earlier million-man march emboldened Mugabe, Mnangagwa emerged from last Friday’s rally arguably weaker because of the low turnout and obvious lack of enthusiasm for the demonstration.

Declaring Friday a public holiday was meant to ensure that as many people as possible turned out for the demonstrations, but sadly this fizzled out into a damp squib and left Mnangagwa probably licking his wounds.

After Friday, it was probably hoped that all those opposed to Mnangagwa would be put in their place; that even with a disputed election outcome just over a year ago, the President remained popular with his supporters and that he was in control.

The rally was meant to project Mnangagwa as a strong and popular leader, who despite the problems the country and Zanu PF faced, was in command.

Instead, the rally may have achieved the opposite and his opponents have been emboldened as they may have spotted a chink in the armour.

It seems Mnangagwa and his party may have overestimated their support and in the process exposed themselves.

Bureaucrats may put on brave faces and say they achieved their goals with the Friday rally, but in reality they know they are weaker than they were a day before.

Friday’s rally was meant to be similar in terms of size, reach and impact as Mugabe’s 2007 million-man-march, but instead it had echoes of his last youth interface rally in Bulawayo, where his wife Grace was jeered.

This is not the end for Mnangagwa, but a steep political slope has just become even steeper.

Anti-sanctions march: Mnangagwa’s failed attempt to mimic Mugabe

0

Nqaba Matshazi

WHEN news filtered in that Zanu PF was planning to organise a march against sanctions, I and many others were apoplectic, there were more pressing issues that needed urgent attention rather than holding a demonstration that was not going to yield any results, we argued.

If Zanu PF needed sanctions removed, they knew what to do and that was to implement reforms, we pontificated.

It was a waste of taxpayers’ money, we went on.

With the benefit of hindsight, while these were legitimate concerns, we failed to look at the bigger picture and understand what the march was really about and it may have had precious little to do with sanctions.

I will get back to this point, please bear with me.

In 2007, former war veterans leader Jabulani Sibanda organised a march, which he dubbed the million-man march to express solidarity with the late former President Robert Mugabe.

Very few people were brave enough to confront Mugabe and Sibanda over this plan, but many were not happy about the march.

I remember interviewing Mugabe’s deputy then, the late Joseph Msika, who said he supported the President, but would not join the march.

Msika failed to read the nuances behind the march and instead read it face value.

My reading of it now is that Mugabe knew that the economy had tanked and that he was facing open resistance from some Zanu PF members and he wanted to put those dissenters in their place.

The million-man march was Mugabe’s way of telling the dissenters that he was still in charge and he was far more popular than them.

In short, the march was meant to demonstrate that he was Zanu PF’s best foot forward even during the party’s darkest moment.

Almost a decade later, in 2016, with the sprouting of social movements like This Flag, Mugabe once again felt under pressure and he countered in the way he knew best; another million-man march was organised.

Again, those opposed to the march looked at it at face value and criticised Mugabe and his party for wasting taxpayers’ money, among other issues.

A year later, the murmurs and discontent in Zanu PF were growing, Mugabe was ageing but still wanted to go on, yet the party was even more divided.

The faction that supported his then deputy and later his successor, President Emmerson Mnangagwa, was on the ropes, but were fighting back strongly.

Mugabe realised that his power was under threat and soon youth interface rallies were launched countrywide.

These rallies had little to do with the youth, but rather were a demonstration that Mugabe was still powerful and commanded lots of support.

He used the rallies to berate his enemies, real or imagined, with the final rally probably meant to finish off Mnangagwa politically.

It was a strategy that he had used to perfection and there was no way it would fail him, so he thought.

It had worked before, but this time it failed spectacularly and the penultimate youth interface rally in Bulawayo proved to be his Waterloo.

Now, back to the anti-sanctions march that we started with.

Mnangagwa is a student of Mugabe, politically at least.

For almost five decades he stood by Mugabe’s side and certainly learnt a lot from the former President.

It is only natural and expected that when confronted with problems, Mnangagwa’s default mode would be to try and solve them in the same way his predecessor would have done.

Just like in 2007, Zimbabwe is on the brink with a collapsing economy and almost non-existent social services.

The opposition to his rule is quite strong and there is open dissent.

There are also murmurs of deepening divisions within the ruling party and factions seem to be taking root again.

It feels like déjà vu; and how does Mnangagwa respond, by organising a march just as his predecessor did 12 years ago.

But instead of the numbers that Mugabe commanded, Mnangagwa spoke to a handful of supporters at the National Sports Stadium in Harare on Friday.

While the earlier million-man march emboldened Mugabe, Mnangagwa emerged from last Friday’s rally arguably weaker because of the low turnout and obvious lack of enthusiasm for the demonstration.

Declaring Friday a public holiday was meant to ensure that as many people as possible turned out for the demonstrations, but sadly this fizzled out into a damp squib and left Mnangagwa probably licking his wounds.

After Friday, it was probably hoped that all those opposed to Mnangagwa would be put in their place; that even with a disputed election outcome just over a year ago, the President remained popular with his supporters and that he was in control.

The rally was meant to project Mnangagwa as a strong and popular leader, who despite the problems the country and Zanu PF faced, was in command.

Instead, the rally may have achieved the opposite and his opponents have been emboldened as they may have spotted a chink in the armour.

It seems Mnangagwa and his party may have overestimated their support and in the process exposed themselves.

Bureaucrats may put on brave faces and say they achieved their goals with the Friday rally, but in reality they know they are weaker than they were a day before.

Friday’s rally was meant to be similar in terms of size, reach and impact as Mugabe’s 2007 million-man-march, but instead it had echoes of his last youth interface rally in Bulawayo, where his wife Grace was jeered.

This is not the end for Mnangagwa, but a steep political slope has just become even steeper.

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New play interrogates abuse in church

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BY tafadzwa kachiko

ROOFTOP Promotions and the Zimbabwe Women Lawyers Association (ZWLA) have joined forces to produce a new drama series titled Chipo, which interrogates how institutions including churches perpetuate the abuse of the girl child.

The series, which premiered at the Women Wine Words Festival at Theatre in the Park last week, was directed by Marian Kunonga.

In the play, the lead character Chipo, played by Gamuchirai Mukwakwami, is a young woman from the rural areas who has high hopes of transforming her life and that of her family by furthering her education.

She is, however, raped by a well-respected man in her church, who she holds in high esteem.

Excellent camerawork led by director of photography Admire Kanhenga, production designing by Mercy Mubaiwa and presentation by actors colour the story in which religion finds itself on a collision course with the law.

Mukwakwami said playing Chipo was very challenging to the extent that she broke down on set.

“Playing this character wasn’t easy. Sometimes, I would cry on set. I want to thank the director for being patient with me. Above all, it was a learning curve,” she said.

The audience that packed the venue described the drama as an outstanding creative work that would complement efforts to fight the abuse of the girl child in Zimbabwean communities.

“This is a powerful drama. I have been at many platforms where child marriages was discussed but this hit me hard. It really touched me,” children’s rights advocate, Mantate Mlotshwa said.

Rooftop Promotions producer, Daves Guzha, said the film, written by renowned writer Virginia Jekanyika, would go on tour to affected communities after women’s rights advocate Tatenda Nyamhunga indicated the need to reach out to such areas.

“There is a lot of community engagement needed. There is need to reach out to the most affected communities,” said Nyamhunga.

ZWLA director Abigal Matsvai Pasipanodya told NewsDay Life & Style that her organisation partnered Rooftop Promotions after realising that film and theatre would be instrumental in disseminating information necessary to end or minimise the abuse of women, especially the girl child.

RBZ must get its act together

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editorial comment

IF there is any institution in the land requiring everyone’s unwavering support at this critical point in the life of our troubled nation, it is the Reserve Bank of Zimbabwe (RBZ), as it painstakingly tries to navigate the economy through the treacherous financial rapids. The monetary authorities need unbridled goodwill in order for their interventions to work.
While we remain totally committed to see Zimbabwe successfully ride past these turbulent times, the seemingly half-hearted effort by the RBZ to re-establish a sound and normal monetary environment sometimes dampens the eager spirits as far as the issue of the country’s currency is concerned.

Despite it having been established ever since currency was invented that a currency is the heartbeat of any people, the RBZ has perennially and dismally failed to position Zimbabwe among the world’s nations who proudly flaunt their own currencies, no matter how weak they may be against other currencies. Many up to this very day may not even be aware that their country is the only nation on planet earth which does not have a real and credible currency that is recognised by other nations. And in a fortnight, the situation will even get worse after the central bank said it would introduce new currency notes to transact alongside the bond notes and coins. In this woolly move herein lies RBZ’s indecisiveness. If the central bank says it has finally come up with a new currency, what is stopping it from withdrawing all the bond notes and coins in one swoop and decree that within, say a month, the bond notes will no longer be legal tender? Why are we being asked to trade in so many different notes? Does the RBZ not realise that this move will merely complicate the transacting public’s life? While we are not prophets of doom, we may as well inform the RBZ that the very day that currency hits the streets Zimbabwe’s already complex pricing regime will be murkier with goods and services having more than half a dozen price tags for the new currency notes, the new currency coins, the bond notes, the bond coins, EcoCash, RTGS and the US dollar. At the moment it is an open secret that the existing payment forms have different price tags.

It would not be too crass for anyone to also conclude that the RBZ must still be haunted by its past escapades with this currency issue and would rather embark on half-baked measures to test the waters. At one point in Zimbabwe’s tortured history, the RBZ was complicit in the destruction of the country’s once very strong currency through wild printing of bank notes, which led to a yet to be broken global hyperinflation record of 500 billion percent in December 2008. Tonnes of gold bullion that anchored the country’s once powerful currency disappeared under the RBZ’s very nose. Hapless, Zimbabwe was left with zero option, but to join a number of nations that included Ecuador, East Timor, El Salvador, Marshall Islands, Micronesia, Palau, Turks and Caicos, British Virgin Islands in using the United States dollar. The move effectively saved the southern African nation from being annexed into neighbouring nations, but it rendered the RBZ a toothless bulldog, without even a voice to bark. Between February 2009 and February 2019, there was bliss under the US dollar. Then the RBZ suddenly remembered, or was reminded by someone, that at one point it controlled one of the world’s strongest currencies and manoeuvres were instituted for the country to have its own currency, leading to the US dollar-led multi-currency system being banned in local transactions in June this year.

But that decision, albeit having been very bold under the circumstances, has not made things any better. Some may also be forgiven to conclude that the RBZ is, after all, no longer its own master, but merely dancing to the tune of the powers-that-be. We just hope and pray that the RBZ finds the guts to get its act together and convince the powers-that-be that politics and money matters don’t mix.