BY DESMOND CHINGARANDE

THE opposition Zimbabwe People’s Party (ZPP) has accused the newly-formed People’s Party, led by former Zanu PF Cabinet minister Walter Mzembi, of stealing its party name and symbols.
In a letter of complaint to Mzembi, ZPP spokesperson Jaison Midzi said the use of similar names, logo, colours and letterheads by Mzembi’s party was not the best way to enter into
politics.

“We note with concern the use of our party name by your new political formation which you and your team decided to call People’s Party (PP). We take this to be poor political practice which will definitely affect the voters in any future elections that our party ZPP and your new party PP will participate in,” Midzi said.

“Use of similar names, logo, colours and letterhead concepts as you and your team adopted is not the best way to go into politics, especially when you want voters to have clear choices of candidates on a ballot paper. Our party Zimbabwe People’s Party entered Zimbabwe’s political scene in June 2019 while your party People’s Party entered the scene in November 2019. I also note that our party, Zimbabwe People’s Party, completed notification in October before your formation came into being.”
Midzi further said they took time as founders and directors to do a thorough search physically in books and all media before coming up with the name of his party.

Mzembi’s opposition party, , unveiled this week, has dismissed allegations of stealing ZPP’s identity, saying this is a case of disruption by a little-known political grouping.

PP spokesperson Lloyd Msipa said the Zimbabwe Electoral Commission (Zec) should have raised alarm if they had used the same party symbols.

“Beyond the fact that the claim is ludicrous, People’s Party and Zimbabwe People’s Party are as different as night and day. All political parties notify Zec of their existence, who in turn carry out the necessary checks and acknowledge,” he said.

“The fact that they acknowledged as per their November 2019 letter to the People’s Party means they didn’t have an issue with it. This is just a case of disruption by the little-known Zimbabwe People’s Party.”

BY TAPIWA ZIVIRA

The Zimbabwe Republic Police (ZRP) and Zanu PF supporters and officials were allegedly the major perpetrators of human rights abuses during the month of December 2019, a report by the Zimbabwe Peace Project (ZPP) reveals.

In its December 2019 report, the pro-peace monitoring and documentation organisation states that police constituted 38% of perpetrators, up from 34,6% recorded in November 2019.
According to the statistics, Zanu PF ranks second at 33,17%, while 10,58% are unknown.

The Zimbabwe National Army constitutes 8,65% of the perpetrators, while the MDC is at 4,33%.

Illegal gold panners, known as MaShurugwi, contributed 3,37 % of the perpetrators, while war veterans were at 0,96 %.

Commenting on the rising human rights violations, ZPP stated: “This upward trend, if not addressed, could result in the police becoming a law unto themselves. ZPP calls for the operationalisation of Section 210 of the Constitution that enables citizens to make complaints that involve the security sector.

“Police brutality and harassment is disturbing as it presents a scenario where the supposed citizens’ protectors become a threat to the same citizens.”

Throughout December, police carried out operations to clamp down on vendors in Harare city centre and there were numerous reports of the police being heavy handed in its operations.

“On December 12, 2019, anti-riot police officers assaulted and apprehended vendors and members of the public in Harare CBD [central business district] at Market Square. In the midst of street battles with vendors, police assaulted labour rights activist, Nation Mudzitirwa, who they spotted disembarking from renowned human rights lawyer Douglas Coltart’s vehicle,” the peace watchdog said.

“Mudzitirwa sustained serious injuries on the face, back and knees. Among the victims who were apprehended were six males and seven females. The police also forced Mudzitirwa into their vehicle and later released him without any charge, before getting to Harare Central Police Station.”

Other cases recorded by ZPP include the harassment of journalists Blessing Chidakwa and Abel Karowangoro, as well as ward 43 councillor Norman Makondo (MDC), among others.

According to ZPP, “on December 13, 2019, a number of MDC youths were attacked by suspected Zanu PF youths in Shurugwi rural, ward 6, where a by-election was due to take place on December 14. Unidentified MDC youths were allegedly assaulted several times and their fliers burnt by the Zanu PF youths.”

Turning to food aid distribution, ZPP recorded several cases of people being denied food aid on political grounds.

The organisation has since urged government to ensure that every deserving citizen does not go hungry as the country faces one of its worst droughts in decades.

“Discrimination in the distribution of food and other aid remained problematic in the month of December 2019 with a 22,7% contribution to the total recorded violations. The violations also affected citizens’ other rights and freedoms such as the freedom of association,” part of the report reads.

“Communities have been receiving food aid and agricultural inputs as the rainy season has started. Unfortunately, the aid has been manipulated in many cases for political mileage and as a retribution tool. Supporters and perceived supporters of the MDC continued to be targeted with this form of discrimination as they were being punished for their political
affiliation.”

One of the cases recorded by ZPP implicates a Zanu PF official in ward 14, Gokwe Gumunyu.

“Villagers gathered at Nyamhara Business Centre to receive rice which had been disbursed by the government and was meant for every villager. The Zanu PF chairperson in the area, Joe Madzana, informed the villagers that all the aid which is delivered in the area passes through Zanu PF structures as the ruling party and that those not in Zanu PF structures would never receive aid from the government. He then proceeded to force the villagers to sing Zanu PF songs and chant the party’s slogans. He dared those who had been aggrieved to report anywhere they wanted (and) nothing would happen to him,” ZPP said.

In its report, ZPP also points out that legislators were among the perpetrators of politicisation of aid.

“On December 29, 2019, where close to 500 villagers from Mudzi North convened at Nyamuyaruka Business Centre to receive drought relief rice from the government. The rice was distributed in a partisan manner by a Zanu PF Mudzi North ward chairperson Gilbert Makazhu with the guidance of Mudzi North legislator (Newton Kachepa),” the report further read.

“Three MDC supporters were denied the rice and the legislator told villagers that MDC supporters would never benefit from government aid and inputs since their legislators do not recognise President (Emmerson) Mnangagwa as the constitutionally-elected President of the Republic of Zimbabwe in Parliament.”

ZPP urged lawmakers “to act in a manner that unifies communities because they represent every member of their constituency in Parliament.”

BY PRECIOUS CHIDA

UNITED STATES-BASED Zimbabwean comedian Alfred Kainga, who staged his debut performance in the country in 2017, is set to return for another show this year in a whirlwind tour that will also include Uganda and South Africa.

The jest master — who recently added another notch under his belt after he was appointed brand ambassador for Nigeria-based international money transfer company, Ping Express, said he was excited about his forthcoming return to Zimbabwe.

“I am going to be in South Africa in March and in Uganda in February, we are also coming back to Zimbabwe this year in March and I am so excited that I will be coming back for the second time,” he said.

Kainga said he was currently revelling in his recent ambassadorial appointment at Ping Express, a rapidly growing online money transfer service with coverage in over 30 countries.

“I just completed 2019 on a high note having such a major endorsement from an international company. It is really a big step and I am so excited about becoming their brand ambassador,” the comedian told NewsDay Life & Style yesterday.

The company collaborated with Kainga to help preach their convenient, ultra-low cost and instant money transfer service gospel to East Africa.

The jester, who has over 10 years experience in comedy and has performed in venues like the World-Famous Laugh Factory in Los Angeles as well as numerous other comedy clubs in the US, said the endorsement will grow his market across Africa.

“Ping Express is operated by Nigerians and it’s in over 30 countries predominantly in Africa which means I am going to get much more visibility across the continent of Africa. It is just amazing to have your name and face across billboards,” he said.

Kainga, who is married and a father of two was described by comedian Kevin Hart as having the “it” factor during a Comedy Central television programme Hart of the City.

He has worked on major stages and at belite comedy clubs such as the Improv Comedy Clubs across the US, World Famous Laugh Factory in Los Angeles. He has also shared the stage with African internationally acclaimed American comedy superstar Basketmouth in Dallas and has worked with several other great names including Mark Curry from Hanging with Mr Cooper and Showtime at the Apollo longtime host Rudy Rush.

guest column:Charles Manga Fombad

THE issue of constitutional literacy has attracted very little attention in scholarship on constitutionalism in Africa. Constitutional literacy involves educating people about a country’s Constitution.

This gap isn’t surprising because most early constitutions were imposed by departing colonial powers. They were perceived as alien by ordinary citizens as well as new leaders, who had little knowledge or experience of constitutional governance.

But has the new generation of “made-in-Africa” constitutions changed the state of constitutional literacy on the continent?

A simple assumption was made when the post-1990 made-in-Africa constitutions were adopted. It was that, for the first time, the participatory constitution-making processes would provide an opportunity to canvass the views of ordinary citizens and lead to an awareness of the significance and impact of the documents on their daily lives.

This assumption was flawed.

The writing and adoption of a constitution is merely the start, not the end point of constitutional literacy. Nor is awareness and involvement in certain aspects of constitution making constitutional literacy. Surprisingly, only a few African constitutions contain provisions that formally recognise and provide a framework to educate people about what’s in them.

The best example appears in Ghana’s 1992 constitution. And South Africa has belatedly set about finding ways to educate people about the country’s constitution.

Democracy and constitutionalism face huge problems in Africa today. This means that there is a need for a better and popular understanding of these documents. This includes their purposes, values and potential. The idea, simply, is to arm citizens with the knowledge they need to make provisions real in their lives.
What’s needed

A serious and effective programme of constitutional literacy requires careful planning and the commitment of significant resources. So far not many African governments have committed themselves in this way.

Building a citizen-based participatory constitutional democracy that emanates from the popular will of the people is not a one-off event. In addition, knowledge and awareness of the content and workings of a constitution don’t automatically follow from its adoption and implementation. Nor is such knowledge automatically acquired simply by going through the ordinary general education system. It must be taught effectively.

Given this, the adoption and implementation of constitutional literacy programmes is needed to fix the wobbly foundations on which African constitutional democracies are currently built.

It should start with establishing an appropriate legal framework that makes constitutional literacy mandatory. Such as the one in the Ghanaian constitution.

With that in place, the right to constitutional literacy must then be considered a fundamental human right in itself. This is because it is linked to the realisation of other human rights and benefits conferred by the constitution. Unless citizens know the constitution and how it affects their lives, the document will be of little value.

Greater understanding of the constitution empowers ordinary citizen. It can also break the barriers of privilege and exclusion, domination and marginalisation.

The South African way
South Africa doesn’t have a constitutional provision making literacy mandatory.

But it has taken other steps that are useful to note.

The constitution has been translated into each of the country’s 11 official languages. And it’s available in braille. For several years it was also distributed free of charge.

Although important, none of these steps are synonymous with educating citizens about its purport and content.

But in recent years the South African government has taken serious steps to make ordinary South Africans aware of the constitution and what it can do for their lives. The initiatives have involved a number of parties.

For its part, the government, led by the Department of Justice and Constitutional Development, has organised several conferences on constitutional education and awareness.

But non-governmental organisations have been the most important drivers of constitutional literacy. The most prominent of these is the Constitutional Literacy and Service Initiative.

Launched in 2011, it offers ongoing training to law students from several law schools on constitutional literacy. The trainees then facilitate constitutional literacy workshops, classes, public debates and moot competitions. These happen in under-resourced schools, historically disadvantaged communities and community centres around the country.

Finally, universities also run constitutional literacy programmes. An example is the annual South African National Schools Moot Court Competition. Started eight years ago, it is organised by the Law Faculty of the University of Pretoria. Teams from schools take part in a competition designed to create greater awareness about the constitution and the values it embodies.

Conclusion
There must be constitutional literacy if citizens are going to make informed choices about the people who represent and act on their behalf, and then monitor their actions to ensure that they conform with the letter and spirit of the constitution.

The fact is that a constitutional right is of no assistance to the bearer if the person is ignorant of the right. It’s time constitutional literacy was regarded as an integral aspect of the life of a constitution.

BY GIBSON NYIKADZINO

ON a calm working day, an excited and jovial Lisa Moyo (28) cuddled Jason Ndhlovu (39), before starting work.
A week later, Ndhlovu, a father of three, hung his intemperate hand around Moyo’s waist and massaged her back.

Moyo, however, quickly reported the matter to the human resources department. A tribunal was set up and after the hearing, Ndhlovu was charged with sexual harassment and inappropriate conduct. Previous misdemeanours and other work-related convictions led to a stern final warning.

Today he is a cautious man: “I regret that gesture, and today I am scared of committing mistakes at work because I am working with my mind on the final warning. In other instances, I imagine the number of men who are sexually harassed at work by women, but do not report their grievances.”

The issue of violence and harassment in the workplace is common. The harassment manifests in many forms although some gestures and actions towards workmates are overlooked, but constitute harassment.

Women also sexually harass men by the way they dress and through vulgar comments passed to male subordinates.

Violence and harassment in the world of work can happen everywhere — online, in the physical workspace, at the place where workers rest, eat or attend to their health and sanitation needs as well as at social gatherings.

“Some hugs that people do in the workplace constitute harassment. Be careful of those practices,” said Mandas Marikanda, Zimbabwe Women’s Microfinance Bank (ZWMB) chief executive officer at a meeting on violence and harassment in the world of work.

Employers have stressed issues of violence and harassment at the workplace as no-go areas and anyone who emboldens his conscience to cross the line will be exposing themselves to disciplinary action.

“My wife is not even aware that I was given a final warning at work. I have not reported Moyo to the human resources department because I never thought that she was probably harassing me. I think women are overly protected in the workplaces,” Ndhlovu said.

For ages, the level of interaction at work between men and women has been maintained and developed through codes of practice and knowledge sharing.

General workplace rules stipulate that codes of practice and the law are meant to harmonise human behaviour by taking out the idea of what individuals think is normal behaviour at work, since unchecked behaviour is likely to result in abuse of the vulnerable and the thriving of those with predatory sexual behaviours.

Last June, at the International Labour Conference, members voted overwhelmingly to adopt a new convention and recommendation to end violence and harassment in the workplace. Convention 190 (C190), which is supplemented by Recommendation 206 of June last year, is the first international standard that aims to put an end to violence and harassment in the world of work, recognising everyone’s rights are protected despite their contractual status.

Zimbabwe’s Constitution provides a strong legal framework to promote gender equality, with many clauses covering equal representation of men and women in public office and decision-making positions, non-discrimination and gender parity.

Furthermore, Zimbabwe is a signatory to various regional and international protocols, including the Convention on the Elimination of all forms of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW).

“Unfortunately, the many reports on gender-based violence in both public and private spaces are an indication that signing and committing to those legal instruments supposed to protect women have not yet translated into reality.

“We live under cultural, economic and political structures that continue to exploit and de-value women and their contributions,” says Naomy Lintini, a technical advisor with the International Labour Organisation, Harare office. Available data and stories coming up daily continue to prove that gender-based violence in the world of work is pervasive and persistent.

Through C190, the Zimbabwe Congress of Trade Unions (ZCTU) noticed that the treaty represents an extraordinary opportunity for unions to move their fight against gender-based violence forward.

“We were excited when the convention was adopted because here we want to popularise it within our structures through support and collaboration with women and youth in labour,” noted ZCTU secretary-general Japhet Moyo.

“We intend to work with the government on this convention because the Constitution obliges government to ratify and domesticate it, and as part of our advocacy, we will remind government of its obligations.”

Mavis Mangove, a labour market analyst and counsellor, urged workmates to remain professional by avoiding comments and actions that put their jobs at risk.

She acknowledged that while many people wanted to breathe life in relations and interactions at the workplace, hugs and other adult behaviours needed to be checked.

“A normal hug is one without a sexualised approach and minimum duration. Once one crosses that line of moderacy, it becomes easy for the one they are hugging to raise concerns in the workplace,” she said.

“At the same time, both men and women should be able to express themselves at work by maintaining dress codes that dignify their stature and still build professional relations with others. In terms of dress, should disagreement arise, companies can end up with uniforms in the workplace to avoid such pitfalls.”

To Zimbabwe’s employers and employees, C190 provides momentum to fight violence and harassment, and empower each other in the world of work by ensuring local implementation and compliance. Unions have an important role to play to make sure the convention becomes part of national laws by building alliances with other stakeholders and women’s rights groups to bridge the gap between the labour rights and women’s rights movements.

Zimbabwe will host their first Test in over two years when they play Sri Lanka in a two-match series starting January 19.

This will also be their first assignment since the International Cricket Council (ICC) reinstated their membership following a three-month suspension last July.

Sean Williams will lead the new squad that will be picked based on performances in the Logan Cup, Zimbabwe’s first-class competition that is currently underway, and assemble together today to start training.

“For us, it’s a new beginning, a new chapter,” head coach Lalchand Rajput said.

“And it’s good that we are starting off with the long version which always brings the best out of players.”

Although Zimbabwe continued to play through the time they were penalised by the ICC, they haven’t gone through the rigours of a Test match since November 2018, when they went to Bangladesh and secured their first win away from home in 18 years.

Given that, Rajput put a premium on his players’ form in domestic cricket and hoped they would hit the ground running against Sri Lanka.

“Sri Lanka are always a very competitive team who have been playing well and I am looking forward to the Test series.”

“It’s important to have players performing well in first-class cricket,” he said.

“And I am happy that in the Logan Cup we have players who have scored centuries and taken five wickets and more. This bodes well for our preparations and it’s always good to have players who are match-fit and in good nick.

“During our 10-day camp, we will attend to a few issues, including the processes, as we fine-tune our team ahead of the series.”

The Harare Sports Club will host both matches, the second one starting on January 27.

“We know our home conditions better, our players are getting match-fit and enjoying some game time. So all we have to do is to get in the middle and perform,” Rajput said.

“We have not had much game time, so the players will be very keen and eager to seize this opportunity and do well.”

Zimbabwe have confirmed that all-rounder Sean Williams will be their new test captain following the retirement of Hamilton Masakadza, who has since moved into the role of director of
cricket.

Former Zimbabwe international David Mutendera has been named as the new convener of selectors, joining Gavin Ewing, Shepherd Makunura and Prosper Utseya on the panel.
— ESPNcricinfo/Reuters

guest column:Alex T. Magaisa

This was in contradiction to the public criticism that mainly came from the Western countries.
However, this caused a strain in relations with the MDC, which insisted that it was not a puppet of the West as claimed by Mugabe and Zanu PF. Both of the major political players that Mbeki dealt with then, Mugabe and Tsvangirai are deceased but it’s not clear that Mbeki’s views on the Zimbabwean political parties have changed. Has Mbeki’s views on regime-change and the MDC changed with the passage of time? Does he relate with Mnangagwa and Chamisa differently from what was clearly a strong relationship with Mugabe? Does he have any more respect for Chamisa than he had for Tsvangirai?

Language of power

His most recent statements do not suggest a man who has changed in his approach towards Zimbabwe and its major political players. He is still talking the language of the political establishment, making it comfortable rather than questioning its wrongful behavour towards citizens. For example, he seems to have already formed a position that Chamisa must accept the decision of the Constitutional court on the presidential election. In framing it this way, Mbeki is merely repeating Zanu PF’s call and taking it for granted that political referees and processes are fair and command respect.

What this approach misses is that the Zimbabwean problem goes deeper than the court’s judgment. Ordinarily, the validity of the court’s judgment does not depend on Chamisa’s acceptance of it. It should not matter whether or not Chamisa accepts it. It is not just Chamisa who has rejected the outcome of the processes as led by ZEC and the Constitutional Court but the political, economic and social markets as well. If these markets had accepted the outcomes of the election and judicial process, Chamisa’s protestations would not have mattered at all.

Zimbabwe would have moved on without him. But they have not and that is why Mbeki has been to Zimbabwe. His return to Zimbabwe is an acknowledgement that the process and outcome of an election is not just a legal matter. The courts do not have the power to resolve political questions.

Mbeki should be asking why these markets value Chamisa’s response more than the judgment itself; why they haven’t given much regard to the judgment. He should be asking why Chamisa is rejecting the judgment and why the regime is so desperate for Chamisa’s consent. They cannot trivialise Chamisa’s consent while at the same time demanding it. Only by going beyond the superfluous veil of the judgment will a mediator be able to identify the problems and offer lasting solutions.

But, of course, attempts to trivialise Chamisa’s consent are futile. They have already tried it with the political actors dialogue (Polad). Without the biggest opposition leader, Polad was a sham from the beginning. It has since proved to be no more than a group of enablers desperate to align with Mnangagwa and using attacks on Chamisa and the MDC Alliance to buy their way onto the gravy train. Polad was presented as an inclusive dialogue, but for Mnangagwa it is just a platform to trivialise and dilute his main rival, Chamisa. If Mbeki’s mediation efforts are intended to bring Chamisa into Polad he would simply be enabling Mnangagwa’s charade, not solving the problem.

His meeting with a gleeful group of Polad members might be seen as a courteous first effort to listen to everyone, but it shouldn’t take him too long to realise that it’s Mnangagwa’s pet project which won’t get him far. No serious interlocutor would spend more time with Polad. Indeed, Chamisa would lose credibility among his party’s followers if he reneged on his initial position and capitulated to tie to the Polad project. Even if they give it another name, it would still be foul. In any event, the very fact that there is desperate call to bring him into Polad via the backdoor suggests even its authors know it’s inadequate.

The heart of the matter

At the heart of the current crisis is the inability of Zimbabwe’s political system to produce electoral outcomes that enjoy the confidence and trust of all contestants. It is a political system that, for the past two decades, has failed to produce a democratically legitimate government. Although the dispute normally manifests over the outcome of elections, the real point of dispute is in the electoral process. It is not a one-off phenomenon but one that has been consistent over a period of time.

There was an opportunity to fix this, between 2009 and 2013, when the country was under an Inclusive Government following Mbeki’s mediation in 2008. That opportunity went begging thanks in large part to a hastily concocted agreement which left the bulk of power in the hands of Zanu PF and therefore impeded the changes that were needed. The MDC got a raw deal. It would be foolhardy to ignore the fact that the mediator of that poor deal was President Mbeki. The result is there were no meaningful reforms between 2009 and 2013, and it is no accident that the elections that year failed to produce an outcome with democratic legitimacy.

For a standard against which to measure Zimbabwe, Mbeki need look no further than the country he once led. Everyone who participates in an election generally accepts the outcome.

This is because political referees who run elections enjoy the confidence of all serious participants. It’s also because the judicial system works and enjoys the confidence of litigants. The military and police behave professionally and respect their constitutional boundaries. These political referees are trusted so that even if a party loses, they can accept the outcome knowing they have been given fair treatment and that they can always try another day. The situation in Zimbabwe, on the other hand, is distinctly different because political referees are captured by the ruling party. This capture of political referees impugns the legitimacy of processes over which they preside, be they political, electoral or judicial. It goes without saying that there can be no lasting solution unless this political capture of institutions is resolved. This is the essence of political reforms. Unless this is done, the next electoral process will produce the same disputed outcomes.

One of the advantages that Mbeki brings is that he comes from a country that has built strong and independent institutions. They are epitomised by a powerful, independent and competent judiciary which can rightly be regarded as one of the world leaders in its field. He, along with fellow South Africans, helped to build these institutions. When he was sacked by the political process in 2008, he duly accepted his fate and walked away. He set a precedent that in a twist of irony the instigator of his downfall and his successor, President Zuma, would follow a decade later.

By doing so, both men have helped nurture a culture of norms that oil the South African political system. They have built institutions which can, peacefully and without resorting to the raw power of the military, hold the strongest to account. Yet when dealing with the Zimbabwean crisis and others on the continent, Mbeki seems comfortable to lower the bar; condoning behaviour that he would never accept in his own country. Hence instead of condemning President Mugabe and the violence in 2008, he publicly feigned ignorance of the crisis that was unfolding. This week, although his intervention is obviously promoted by a real crisis in Zimbabwe, he still talks about supporting the government without acknowledging the egregious and unacceptable violence upon citizens.

Zimbabwe needs truthful, honest peers

Zimbabwe needs peers who are truthful, honest and frank, not those who mollycoddle the regime. Regional peers who think of making the regime comfortable are effectively enabling repression. The role of regional actors as enablers was highlighted. This is partly because they remain silent in the face of State-sponsored violence and human rights violations. It is also because they actively support the regime while ignoring the plight of citizens. Both reactions give comfort to the regime. They create a moral hazard in that the regime has incentives to misbehave in full the knowledge of the fact that there will be no regional censure.

The problem of State-sponsored political violence has been endemic ever since the dawn of independence and it is at the centre of contamination of the political process, which leads to illegitimacy. It is common cause that the colonial State was a violent State. The Zanu PF State simply carried on from where the Rhodesian Front left. What Zimbabwe needs, far more than mediation, is a clear and unambiguous position from its peers that this is unacceptable. Anything else is just papering over the cracks.

There are reasons why many Zimbabweans don’t trust their political referees. They have been hurt too many times to the point that they have lost confidence in a political system that habitually sways in favour of Zanu PF. If somehow he manages to persuade the MDC Alliance into some pact with Zanu PF, citizens are likely to dismiss it as yet another elite pact, just like the 1979 Lancaster House Constitutional Agreement; the 1987 Unity Accord and the 2008 GPA. All these agreements have one thing in common: they created room to accommodate feuding politicians but failed to produce substantive and lasting changes in the lives of ordinary people.

Constitutional amendments

The proposed constitutional amendments are a clear indicator to Mbeki of the insincerity of the regime that he is dealing with. The collective effect of the proposed amendments is to increase presidential power. This follows the first amendment in 2017 which was also designed to increase the power of the president. In effect, the mild gains of the 2013 Constitution in limiting presidential power are being reversed. Instead of implementing political reforms as per the constitution, the regime is amending the constitution to reverse those reforms.

Mbeki might have a soft spot for a party that draws roots in liberation politics, but the regime it leads is not amenable to progressive ideas. The way the regime is hell-bent on changing the young constitution to re-create an imperial presidency is the behaviour of a reactionary organisation which is preoccupied with amassing and retaining power at all costs.

If peers are to be involved at all, it would be to discourage such retrogressive behaviour. Giving succour to the regime will only have the effect of enabling authoritarianism.

Zimbabwe has been down this hideous path before, when in the 1980s the Constitution was amended to create an Executive Presidency, dismantling the original constitution which had institutional checks and balances. The current set of amendments, at a time when the regime is feigning reforms, suggest that the country is going down a similarly ugly path of authoritarian rule.

There’s a stone in my shoe

Mbeki has the advantage of knowing Zimbabwe better than most leaders on the continent. But there is also a risk that his knowledge and experience combine to make him far more than a neutral observer. When you have been involved in a dispute for too long, familiarity might breed partiality for one of them. And, as we have seen, that is a challenge that Mbeki faces in the eyes of some Zimbabweans who see him as too close to Zanu PF.

Why now? Why him? Since Zanu PF is so confident of its victory and the legitimacy of its power, what would they want from the loser that they routinely mock, condemn and malign as irrelevant? The economic situation is desperate and showing no signs of getting any better. This is the cost of flawed elections that produce outcomes that are bereft of legitimacy. It is the cost of political stubbornness and intransigence. The nation endured it under Mugabe and the costs have escalated under Mnangagwa.

When Don Altobello meets Mosca in The Godfather Part III he wants help to eliminate a Mafia rival. “There is a stone in my shoe. I want you to remove it,” he says to Mosca, a euphemism for eliminating a problem. President Mbeki helped shift a stone in Mugabe’s shoe in 2008. Some fear that he is back to do it again, but this time for Mnangagwa. It goes without saying that Chamisa and the MDC Alliance must tread very carefully. What Zimbabwe needs is more than removing a stone in Mnangagwa’s shoe.

SNEAK PEEK :Precious Chida

GOSPEL musician Daniel Mhere — younger brother to Favour hitmaker Mathias — says he believes his third album, Another Level, released recently, will be a game changer for him. The Gweru-based musician, who has three albums to date, says while many fans claim that he rides on his elder brother’s popularity, he has since tried to differentiate his music from Mathias’ despite having started off together. NewsDay (ND) Life & Style reporter Precious Chida caught up with Mhere (DM) who opened up about his music journey. Below are excerpts from the interview:

ND: Tell us briefly how your music journey started?

DM: I started music long back, but I only started recording in 2014. I take music as inborn because I remember joining the school choir when I was in Grade 3.

ND: What inspires your music and how do you come up with songs?

DM: Most of the time I just observe what is happening in life and come up with a song, whether it’s a good or bad situation. I come up with a song from those circumstances.
ND: How has Another Level been received?

DM: The title track is the one that fans are loving most. I featured a number of gospel artistes on the album who include my brother, Mathias, Obert Chari, Bernard Betera and Mpostori Mlambo.

ND: Do you think this album is going to be your breakthrough?

DM: Yes, the response I am getting right now shows light to my breakthrough. A number of friends and fans are in love with the project, so I am sure it will make it.

ND: Has music been profitable enough to financially sustain you?

DM: For now I cannot say my music is giving me enough profit to sustain myself. I am still at the foundation of building the name Daniel. Building the foundation is not an easy thing.

ND: Fans often compare you to Mathias. What differentiates you from him?

DM: Yes, I might try by all means to differentiate myself from him but the fact is we are one. We are from the same family, we grew up together and we are always together, but I am trying by all means to differentiate our music through our producers and most of the songs I do are slow beats while most songs by my brother are fast-paced.

ND: What has been your biggest challenge in music?

DM: Music without sponsors . . . Whatever you want to do, there is need for start-up money, which was a major problem for me. When starting a business, you need someone to give you a hand. Recording needs a lot of money for you to come up with a project, so that is a big challenge. Marketing is a challenge as well. It is now being overtaken by piracy hooligans such that you get nothing from your music despite incuring huge expenses.

ND: What’s your take on Zimbabwean gospel music?

DM: Zimbabwe’s gospel music industry is not that vibrant nowadays because of lack of support. I believe gospel must come first because the Bible says in the beginning there was a word, and the word was with God. I wish the gospel industry was supported as it used to be in the past and we will definitely bounce back to become the best genre in Zimbabwe.

ND: Where do you see yourself in the next five years?

DM: In the next five years, I see myself being a music director, having studios and an academy to help those with passion for music.