BY BLESSED MHLANGA

GOVERNMENT directives on tuition fees have a negative effect on schools development and delivery of quality education, the Progressive Teachers Union of Zimbabwe (PTUZ) has said.

PTUZ secretary-general Raymond Majongwe said public education standards had plummeted because of government interference, resulting in private schools taking advantage.

“There is a silent attempt to assassinate public education and putting on board clear privatisation. At the end of the day, the persons who lose out are the poor because they are the ones who are not going to be able to send their children to these quality private schools,” he said.

Majongwe said government schools were battling to secure stationery, fund infrastructure upgrades and maintenance owing to a poor fee structure.

“If you then engage the headmasters, they will tell you that the moment we keep fees stagnant because government has said fees are not going to go up, we are actually then killing the schools,” he said.

“They can’t even spruce up the image of the schools, just simply cutting grass so that athletics takes place.”

Majongwe said former Group A schools had become shadows of their former selves because they were hamstrung by the issue of low fees and a cap on increments.

“Those who can argue then say there is actually a thrust to kill public education,” he said.

The PTUZ leader claimed private colleges sprouting all over the country were owned by politicians and their associates.

“It’s as if we are trying to assassinate public education so that people turn to private education. This is the silent privatisation of our schools. How do you explain that at every corner of every other street there is now a new school?” Majongwe asked.

Acting Primary and Secondary Education minister Amon Murwira said it was government’s constitutional obligation to provide affordable basic education.

“This is why the ministry got a budget of $8 billion so that we meet the shortfalls that are created when tuition is not adequate to meet all costs. We are moving towards creating free basic education,” he said.

BY BLESSED MHLANGA

HOME Affairs minister Kazembe Kazembe has warned police officers connected to the illegal gold miners and notorious machete gangs that the long arm of the law will soon catch up with them.

Kazemba was speaking after visiting Morris Depot, where he came face-to-face with antiquated police equipment, which has been blamed for hindering efforts to effectively execute policing duties.

The minister said he was, however, proud of the police response in the ongoing war against the machete gangs, saying the gangs were now quacking in their boots.

“Thank you for the commitment you have shown so far given the challenges that you are facing. I know of late we have been having wars with the machete gangs and I am confident that wherever they are, they are quacking in their boots. We warn them that you cannot hide from the law. In Zimbabwe, there is no way you can hide from the law,” he said.

Police officers, their relatives and spouses have allegedly been entering into unholy alliances with the machete gangs, forcing the commander of Support Unit to write a memorandum warning them to drop their new-found partners.

Kazembe warned the officers involved, saying their romance with machete gangs would be cut short by the long arm of the law.

“I hear a lot of people (are) also complaining that the police are involved. Well, I don’t know, maybe they are, but if they are, this is the right time to stop that. People look up to us to ensure that we maintain law and order, that we eliminate crime or at least curb it. So I hope that if there is anyone of us who is involved, listen to me: I am saying the long arm of the law will catch up and they should know better, they are officers,” Kazembe said.

Having seen the antiquated equipment used by police at Morris Depot, Kazembe said he would make efforts to ensure that they are upgraded and brought to speed with the new world order.

“I appreciate the need that the facilities we toured have to be up to scratch and up to standard to ensure that we come up with a proper policeman who is proud to be a Zimbabwean policeman. I must be open, I noticed a number of areas that need attention and my team here will do our utmost to ensure that we lobby for more resources, especially in certain areas. A good example is the factory shop, I noticed people are still using old equipment,” he said.

guest column:Alex T Magaisa

Seizing the opportunity
“There’s a tide in the affairs of men, which, taken at the flood, leads on to fortune;
Omitted, all the voyage of their life. Is bound in shallows and miseries.”
This is Brutus in William Shakespeare’s epic drama, Julius Caesar. He is talking to Cassius, his co-conspirator as they battle to take control of the Roman Empire. Brutus believes it is the right time to take the war to their adversaries, Octavius and Anthony.

It’s a beautiful metaphor which describes life and how the world works through the image of the sea’s tidal movements. Although humans cannot control these tides, they can, nevertheless, take advantage of the tides when they appear. Those who sail the seas have, since time immemorial, gained fluency in this language of the sea. Their ships enter and leave the ports based on this literacy. The wise captain must take advantage of the high tide when it comes.

It is, in essence, a metaphor for seizing the opportunity; for the ability to recognise the high tide and making the most of it. This is as true for those who literally sail ships upon the seas as it is for individuals, organisations and nations in the conduct of their worldly affairs. There are ebbs and flows, just like the tides, and one must have the wisdom to identify the opportunity and take maximum advantage of it.

The high tide of 2017
There was such a high tide for Emerson Mnangagwa. It arrived in November 2017, soon after a low ebb. He had just been fired by his old mentor, Robert Mugabe, a circumstance which necessitated rapid flight into exile. But then his co-conspirators instigated a coup, the high tide that brought him back to be soon installed as President.

The apparent illegalities notwithstanding, the coup was warmly received by most citizens and regional allies. There were no serious objections from the international community. None of the key voices were prepared to let the small matter of the law get in the way of the joy at seeing the dethronement of the much-reviled Mugabe. That was the high tide for Mnangagwa and his co-conspirators to take and probably “sail on to fortune”.

Yet, despite the abundance of goodwill across the world, Mnangagwa and his allies worked hard and conspired to fail. Their performance on all fronts — political, economic and social — has been dismal. Two years after the high tide, Zimbabwe remains mired in a cesspool of mediocrity. It did not take long before the flower of hope wilted under the harsh glare of junta rule. It is embarrassing that even today military men are commanded to settle marital disputes as if they were toy soldiers. Unsurprisingly, the goodwill in the international community has virtually evaporated and desiccated.

Frustrated, poverty-stricken and staring into the abyss, Zimbabweans are doing what most humans have done throughout history: They are registering their displeasure with their feet. Everyday, there are ever-lengthening queues at the central passport offices in the capital, Harare, as people seek the precious document that enables them to travel abroad in search of a better life. Not even the escalating costs of acquiring a passport can deter them. Not even the long hours, sometimes days, spent waiting to apply, no. Mired in serious challenges, the government is unable to meet demand. Applicants must wait for long periods before they can finally get a passport.

Many can’t wait for these formalities. They are gate-crashing into other countries through illegal entry points. Anything to get away from the misery of home. South Africa, with a larger and more diverse economy is the most popular destination. Not even the perils of xenophobic attacks in that country can stop them. They will take the risk, far better, it seems, than the hellish conditions to which they are subjected by their own inept government.

Meanwhile, the World Food Programme is already feeding millions in need of food aid. Drought played a part, but much of the calamity is human-made. Zimbabwe used to be a net food exporter; it fed others in the region. Now thanks to decades-long inept governance and poor agricultural policies, it has become the chief donee of the region.

It is unlikely that Mnangagwa will ever get a similar tide again. It is not surprising that the ship he is steering, Zimbabwe, is “bound in shallows and miseries”, to use Shakespeare’s words. And yet, incredibly, in this bleak picture, the Mnangagwa regime saunters along, as if everything was normal. The regime still believes it has the capacity to turn around the country’s fortunes. He is even putting himself forward for re-election in 2023 and his party, Zanu PF, is encouraging him. All this despite the misery in the country and the clear absence of ability on the part of the regime.

It is a weakness of our society that there is no culture of resignation even when it’s clear that one is failing to deliver; that our standards have become so low over the course of 40 years that leaders have no sense of responsibility. When you are a leader and the nation you are leading is suffering, you must take responsibility.

Not so in our world. They will find someone to blame, a scapegoat. They will even have the audacity to carry on, as if to spite the people. Zanu PF’s record over the past 40 years shows that its main preoccupation has been power retention and using it for private wealth accumulation among its elites. They live for personal enrichment and the next election.

From time to time, they drop a few crumbs for the impoverished supporters, who in turn must be grateful. These crumbs buy loyalty and votes among the gullible. That’s why they even boast of winning elections at any cost without a care about governance after the so-called “resounding victory”. It’s not leadership. It’s utter cruelty.

With just a bit of wisdom, Mnangagwa could have taken advantage of the 2017 high tide and this new decade, the 2020s, might have started on a more positive and hopeful note. Instead, Zimbabwe remains in muddy waters, unable to move. The prospect of Mnangagwa running again in 2023 threatens to make the 2020s decade another write-off. At least there were green shoots of hope at the start of the just-ended decade. But it was just a temporary phase. From 2013, Zimbabwe returned to default Zanu PF settings. The rest, excuse the cliché, is history.

So what are the prospects going forward?
Futility of elections
The 2020s will present two opportunities for electing the government. The first such occasion is just three years away in 2023; the second comes five years later in 2028. Under the current electoral system, both are likely to be a waste of time. And quite possibly, a waste of lives. There is really little point unless there is a fundamental overhaul. I’m not optimistic that Zimbabwe’s fortunes will change at the ballot box as long as elections are run as they have been for the past 40 years of independence. This is a bleak but sobering prognosis, informed by past experience.

Elections are never perfect even in the most democratic countries, but the expectation is that they must satisfy at least the minimum and universally-acclaimed standards of freedom and fairness. They must produce a democratically legitimate outcome. To achieve that, they must be substantially fair so that even the losing contestants can be reassured that they were treated fairly and they can be confident that if they try again next time they will have a chance to succeed. Confidence in the system of elections and how it is operated is crucial for the legitimacy of the outcome.

However, Zimbabwe’s elections have been afflicted by problems, chiefly the bias and lack of confidence in the electoral referees. Zanu PF thrives on an electoral system that is skewed in its favour. It controls the electoral management body and those who adjudicate over electoral disputes. It controls the State machinery, much of which is deployed to run elections. But above all, it is in cahoots with the military establishment, which has a stake in Zanu PF’s maintenance of power. A combination of these factors including violence, intimidation and bribery makes the electoral route an expensive charade.

Given this bleak picture, it’s not surprising that most people, especially the young, are becoming disillusioned with elections.

This frustration is because there is a feeling, from past experiences, that the outcome of elections is pre-determined and Zanu PF will always do everything to avoid a declaration of outright defeat.

The system which controls and manages the electoral system has no intention of giving up power and privilege. For years now, people have been calling for alternative approaches to the democratic struggle. It is hard to imagine that a future election using the current electoral system will produce anything different.

Perfect storm
The futility for the electoral route could result in the growth of alternative approaches during the course of this decade. Some of the key factors that will shape these alternative approaches are the changing generational and social dynamics and the escalating poverty which is pushing young people to extremes. Political parties would do well to study these changes because they might find themselves struggling for relevance. The generation that will become politically active and influential in the 2020s will be vastly different from the generation that was politically active and influential in the 2000s or even in the 2010s.

In this regard, a historical view might give us a bigger picture of the situation. Since we are 40 years into independence, let us briefly cast our eye on the 40-year period before independence. That would take us back to 1940. So much happened in those 40 years before independence, including a brutal war, but the black Africans who were challenging colonialism did not start off as the militant radicals they became in the 1970s. Their strategies changed as they encountered the regime’s intransigence and they became more desperate because they saw no way out.

The generation of black Africans who became politically active and influential in the 1970s Rhodesia was different in outlook, consciousness and methods from the generation of the 1940s Rhodesia. As historians have noted, in the early 1940s, the black Africans who spoke out were largely seeking accommodation and acceptance in the colonial set-up, not challenging its foundations. By the 1970s, however, they were challenging the entire colonial system, seeking to replace it completely and they were prepared to die for the cause, hence the war. Their methods had changed and they had become far more radicalised and militant. The majority of them were young people.

These young people had observed that the efforts of their forebears had failed to produce the change they were seeking. Whereas these fathers and grandfathers had been pummelled into a culture of compliance by the colonial regime, the young generation of the 60s and 70s were prepared to disobey, rebel and fight.

Ironically, in an interview, five years ago, Mnangagwa explained that his generation was prepared to go to war against the colonial regime because they were young, unemployed and had nothing to lose. Now, he is in charge of a generation that is unemployed, hopeless and fast-realising that it has nothing to lose. The irony does not register in his mind. This decade may see a perfect storm – when conditions come together to create a mass revolt against the government and this is unlikely to be led by organised political parties.

A changing society?
In this regard, it’s important to note that society has also been changing during the 40 years since independence and with such changes come different approaches and attitudes. Zimbabwean politics has been conducted in an organised manner, with opposition political parties generally playing by the rules. This is largely due to how the leaders and followers of those parties were socialised. But things are changing.

One of the most significant changes has happened in the labour market and this has profound implications for society. As economist Ha-Joon Chang has written: “We are partly formed by our work experiences, so where and how we work influences who we are.” He wrote this 10 years ago, addressing the claim that there is now a “post-industrial society”, about which he expressed skepticism.

But this is not the important issue here. My interest is drawn to the idea that change in our work experiences impacts who we are and how we do things. I’m interested in how the drastic change from formalised employment to mass informalisation has impacted society and consequently how it might influence the way the 2020s generation approaches societal challenges including our bad politics.

The formalised employment era was also the era of strong labour unions. This was partly because the formal employment spaces provided incentive for cooperation between workers because of the nature of the work and organisation. “Factory workers cooperate more closely with their colleagues during work and outside work, especially through trade union activities,” says Ha-Joon Chang.

This culture of cooperation led to unions, which, in some cases, provided the platform for the creation of political parties. Both Zimbabwe’s MDC and Zambia’s MMD are prime examples of parties that were built upon labour unions. It will be a long time before Zimbabwe gets a new political party to rival the MDC in terms of pace or growth from inception. It benefited from pre-existing labour unions and not surprisingly its leadership reflected these labour roots.

But unions and political parties associated with them are creatures of the rule-based system in which they operate. They are disciplined and discipline means complying with rules of the game. They operate within a structure of rules and principles, both written and unwritten. They force the other to the negotiating table using tools that the legal system permits. They bargain collectively. They use the law to challenge employers and seek remedies in the courts of law. This is how they are wired. Indeed, if they venture outside the rules they would be condemned.

Political parties that emerge from organised labour tend to be similar in outlook and approach and strategies. They are reliant on organised labour to call for strikes, stay-aways and other forms of labour activism. They negotiate. They bargain.

In short, they recognise that they work within a system of rules and they generally work to comply with the rules, however unfair they might be. So they apply to the police to hold meetings. They go to court to seek remedies, even when they know the police and the courts are compromised. They seek engagement with regional bodies even when it’s clear that they are biased.

But the MDC has travelled a long way from its labour union roots. Whereas the majority of the initial leadership might have had a union background, this has diminished greatly over the years. This does not mean that the approach and methods have changed. Indeed, it may be argued that the opposition needs to rediscover the element of surprise in the conduct of its politics. If Zanu PF has become complacent and dull over its 40 years in power, the charge against the opposition is that it has become predictable over the 20 years. This is the cycle that has become all-too-familiar:

BY BLESSED MHLANGA

OPPOSITION MDC leader Nelson Chamisa yesterday declared war against the police, warning that his party was now itching to fight back and even defy their prohibition orders which he said were unjust, partisan and unreasonable.

This came after police on the 11th hour on Tuesday barred his public address titled Agenda 2020, which was supposed to be delivered in Mbare yesterday.

“Enough is enough. We have exhausted all channels and we can’t continue to be victims of unjust application of the law. Rights are for all. On Tuesday January 21, we will deliver the people’s Agenda 20 to the nation, come what may,” Chamisa said on his social media platform.

The MDC leader is under immense pressure from the party’s restive youth, who feel that his push for dialogue with President Emmerson Mnangagwa’s government and respect for draconian laws will not deliver the opposition any political gains.

The youth and other members of Chamisa’s national standing committee were angry after the MDC postponed yesterday’s event, saying it showed they were giving in to a dictatorship without a fight.

Chamisa’s spokesperson Nkululeko Sibanda said in the face of provocation by the police, his boss remained a democrat who has displayed respect for human life and the rule of law, which has turned into the rule by law.

“The Zimbabwe government has banned the MDC by putting in place and enforcing unconstitutional regulations and laws that prevent the MDC president from addressing any public meetings,” Sibanda said.

“The president and the party feel that it is improper and it sets a bad precedent and threatens democracy to allow the few to stop us from exercising our constitutional rights. We will look the beast in the eye and demand what is rightfully the people’s rights. The time has come.”

Highly-placed MDC sources told NewsDay that at its meeting at the party headquarters, Richard Morgan Tsvangirai House, the Harare provincial council called on Chamisa to stop retreating in the face of aggression by government.

“They are failing to handle the machete gangs, but they bring their full force on a democratic meeting. The time for running has come to an end,” a senior MDC official said.

In anticipation of an MDC defiance of the ban, police dispatched the anti-riot unit in the central business district early in the morning and along all major roads leading to Mbare.

They used hailers to warn people against taking part in the MDC-organised meeting, which had already been postponed a day before.

National police spokesperson Assistant Commissioner Paul Nyathi said the law enforcement agents were just maintaining law and order in terms of the Constitution and would not stop executing their mandate.

“As for the alleged ban on the MDC activity, they should know that in terms of MOPA (Maintenance of Peace and Order Act), they should engage the regulating authority. If they have any queries and if any disagreements arise, the remedies are provided for in terms of the law,” he said.

BY CHARLES LAITON

VICE-PRESIDENT Constantino Chiwenga’s estranged wife, Marry, has revealed that the retired army general harbours an ambition to take over the presidency.

Marry said the collapse of the couple’s nine-year customary marriage was brought about by Chiwenga’s alleged paranoia, poor health and the influence of “heavy doses of drugs”.

Marry made the remarks in her claim in reconvention in response to Chiwenga’s application for divorce last month.

The matter is still pending in the High Court.

“Defendant (Marry) avers in reconvention that the demise of the customary law union was brought about by plaintiff’s (Chiwenga) acute paranoia brought about by
poor health, his being under heavy doses of drugs including un-prescribed opiates, his surrounding himself with persons who want to take advantage of him and his belief that his ascendency to the position of presidency might be in jeopardy,” Marry said in her claim.

Ironically, in his response to Marry’s urgent application for custody of the pair’s three children, Chiwenga also accused his wife of being a “drug addict”.

But in her response, Marry dismissed the claims, saying she was a better, healthy parent as opposed to the Vice-President.

“Defendant denies that she is a drug addict and pleads that the children were under her exclusive care for long periods of time without any adverse consequences on them and it is denied that the children’s best interests would be served by custody being awarded to a sickly absentee parent who is more in hospital than out,” Marry said.

Turning to the issue of the couple’s assets, Marry claimed that Chiwenga had all his assets registered in his relatives’ names in an effort to avoid sanctions that were imposed on him by the United States government.

“Defendant pleads that all assets acquired during the subsistence of the marriage were acquired with the full knowledge and participation of the plaintiff, whose name could not be used and who, on advice from the bank, procured his relatives to assist in the acquisition of the assets on the basis that plaintiff’s name could not be used as he was on the sanctions list,” Marry said.

“Defendant further pleads that all the monies used to acquire assets were availed by the plaintiff from some of his business partners and that the amnesia he has developed is part of the contrived criminal proceedings against her.”

Marry further dismissed claims that her marriage with Chiwenga was terminated through the production of a divorce token, saying she did not accept the token as it had been paid in foreign currency.

“The defendant further claims in reconvention that the plaintiff has failed to follow proper customary law procedures to end the customary marriage and that, instead, plaintiff sent (Anselem) Sanyatwe to give her a United States dollar bill which she declined to accept on the basis that it is unlawful in Zimbabwe to transact in United States dollars and that it was (up to) the plaintiff to give her gupuro (divorce token) after following all proper customary protocol. Consequently, the customary marriage continues to subsist,” she said.

Marry said she was claiming the equivalent of US$40 000 per month as maintenance from the retired army general for her upkeep and a total of
US$7 500 per month for her three children, which money she said should be paid at the interbank rate.

“Defendant claims in reconvention maintenance for the three minor children, the equivalent of US$2 500 calculated at the interbank rate prevailing on the date of payment until each child attains the age of majority or becomes self-supporting … defendant claims in reconvention personal maintenance in an amount equivalent to US$40 000 per month payable in Zimbabwe dollars calculated at the interbank rate prevailing on the date of payment until her death or remarriage,” she said.

Besides the claim of monthly maintenance, Marry also said her VP husband should be ordered to pay for the family’s holidays, school and medical expenses and casual clothes all running into thousands of United States dollars.

“The plaintiff must pay the entire school account in respect of each child at a Catholic school, including school fees, levies, top-ups, costs of extra lessons, costs of all extra-curricular activities, costs of school and sports uniforms, sports equipment and all other school-related costs,” she said.

“That plaintiff pays for the defendant and her children annual holidays; one fully expensed international holiday per annum at a five-star facility inclusive of spending money of not less than the equivalent of US$25 000, one fully expensed regional holiday per annum at a five-star facility inclusive of spending money of not less than the equivalent of US$15 000, one fully expensed local holiday per annum and spending money of not less than US$25 000 per person.”

Besides all the monthly claims, Marry also demanded that her husband compensates her for the injuries she sustained during a bomb explosion at a Zanu PF rally in Bulawayo before the 2018 general elections.

“That the plaintiff pays the defendant’s cost for reconstructive surgery and all other medically associated costs arising from the injuries she suffered from a bomb blast in Bulawayo while she accompanied plaintiff on his party activities and that the plaintiff provides the defendant with an internationally recognised medical aid cover until her death,” she said, urging the court not to entertain Chiwenga’s application on the basis that he approached the court with dirty hands.

“Plaintiff has already purportedly awarded himself custody of the children and is in contempt of the law. The pending action that he has come to court with, with dirty hands, ought not to be heard until he has purged his various contempts,” she said.

guest column:Mutenta N Nyambe

It has been stated that about 80% of the African population rely on traditional medicines and practices as their primary source of healthcare.
Being the custodians of traditional African religion, customs and culture, the role played by traditional healers in the treatment and management of diseases among the African population cannot be ignored.

It is therefore of paramount importance for scientific researchers to find out and be aware of the collective perceptions of traditional health givers towards the diagnosis and treatment of highly prevalent life-threatening diseases such as cervical cancer and to make strong attempts at harmonizing the two knowledge frontiers where possible.

In Southern Africa, traditional healers give the presented ‘cancer’ a diagnostic name based on its physical manifestations. For instance, the common terminologies used to describe cervical cancer among traditional healers in Limpopo, South Africa, are Sesepidi, meaning ‘something that moves’ and Tlhagala, a Sesotho word meaning ‘to be worn out’.

Interestingly, these traditional terms are very similar in meaning to modern patho-physiological descriptions of cervical cancer such as ‘metastasis’ (Sesepidi) and tumour necrosis with foul vaginal discharge (Tlhagala).

Among the traditional healers of Ga-Mothapo in South Africa, cervical cancer is believed to be caused by chain smoking, multiple sexual partners (Ge mosadi a kitima le sekwata sa banna), poor nutrition, early engagement in sexual activity, sexually transmitted infections (STIs) (sekgalaka) and genetic predispositions.

Though conventional science concedes that the ‘precise’ etiological cause of cervical cancer is still unknown, there is a striking resemblance between the perspectives of traditional African practices and conventional science on the risk factors of cervical cancer.

African traditional healers often mention irregular per vaginal bleeding, painful coitus, post-coital bleeding, dysmenorrhoea, lower abdominal pains, abnormal or foul smelling vaginal discharge, cervical lesions, pyrexia, polyuria, painful uterine growth (polyps) and feeling as if the ‘womb is moving’ as signs and symptoms of cervical cancer.

These symptoms are very similar to those described in conventional medicine.

The African traditional treatment of cervical cancer focuses not only on curing the disease but also on promoting spiritual wellness and this is thought to be achieved by ‘extracting’ or ‘pulling’ the Sesepedi out of the uterus.

Traditional treatment regimen for cervical cancer normally incorporate oral administration of herbal decoctions, direct application of a crushed bluestone (mbapani) and Pentanisia prunelloides (stema-mollo) mixture onto the lesions, formulation and intra-vaginal insertion of herbal ‘pessaries’ (lekoni sekgalaka), steam inhalation and incisions.

These traditional methods are similar in delivery to those practiced in modern medicine such as oral administration of chemotherapy (herbal decoctions), surgical removal of tumours (incisions) and radiotherapy (steam treatment).

This shows that African traditional healers have, in their own terms, a concise understanding of cervical cancer pathophysiology, the knowledge to identify signs and symptoms of the disease, practical ethnomedicinal experience to provide care and adequate medicinal plant repositories to at least assist in the discovery of newer and more effective cervical cancer treatments.

Dialogue between traditional health practitioners and scientific researchers must therefore be encouraged to promote the sharing of information.

BY HENRY MHARA

THE Footballers Union of Zimbabwe (FUZ) is holding its annual general congress on the outskirts of Harare this week, with more than 40 delegates attending.

The three-day event, which kicked off yesterday afternoon, provides an opportunity for the delegates to discuss a number of issues including players welfare.

Of those attending the congress, the majority are players from the men and female premier league teams. Also invited are officials from the Premier Soccer League (PSL) and Zifa.

“We are holding our annual congress and we have all our delegates present from respective clubs, and this year it’s kind of different in the way we are doing it because we will be discussing issues to do with the welfare of players, football in general and what has been the year like, and the challenges that we are facing as footballers,” FUZ president Desmond Maringwa said.

“We will also look at the future of the union, and the vision as well. We will discuss what we can do for the players from what they encounter on a daily basis.”

FUZ is a union for local footballers whose formation was influenced by the ever-existing footballers’ social and economic vulnerability. The union also provides, facilitates and safeguards proper welfare and working conditions of current and former football players.

The union is a member of the International Federation of Professional Footballers (FIFPro), a body that represents more than 65 000 professional footballers around the world.

“We have a lot of cases reported to us on contractual breaches, non-payment of bonuses, salaries and wages by clubs. We are also dealing with the issues of standardisation of contracts. This is at an advanced stage. We have updates on our members on the progress we have made with the PSL and Zifa on that. We will also discuss the new rules that are there in football,” the former Dynamos and Warriors midfielder said.

“We are using the platform to try and create a bond between us and the members. We will have a team-building exercise for us to get to understand each other. Our guests here are mostly captains for their clubs so it’s a better platform for us to impact knowledge on them on how to build a team, how to be a leader and how to behave and deal with clubs and their officials. There will be a lot of discussions around those issues,” Maringwa added.

FUZ has helped a lot of players in disputes with their clubs, notably in the case between Cameroonian Christian Ntouba and Dynamos over outstanding salaries and bonuses.

With the assistance of FIFPro, FUZ also helped Edward Sadomba to successfully fight his dispute against former club Al Hilal which saw the player being paid US$450 000 following termination of his contract.

Apart from helping players, FUZ also holds “players out of contract” training camp every year, an event which offers professional players, who are out of contract, a platform to showcase their talents in front of Premiership coaches, club administrators and scouts.

A host of players have benefited from the initiative.

In addition, the union also rewards excelling players with their monthly player of the year awards which they introduced in the past season. Both male and female footballers benefited, winners walking away with a trophy and R5 000.

FUZ will host the player of the year event at the end of this month, to honour the best player in the local league voted for by fellow players.

“These awards are to be a symbol of achievement, hard work, professional success and a form of motivation for many to reach for even higher levels of success.

“The unique nature of these awards is that they are an opportunity for players themselves to honour one another for the great achievements, thus encouraging fair play, oneness and healthy competition in football,” FUZ said.

editorial comment

THAT the United Kingdom has decided not to invite one of its last colonies, Zimbabwe, for an investment talk show next week is a serious indictment to every effort President Emmerson Mnangagwa may have been making to end the country’s international isolation.

“The summit will strengthen the UK’s partnership with African nations to build a secure and prosperous future for all our citizens. It will mobilise new and substantial investment to create jobs and boost mutual prosperity,” is what the UK is saying about the event which obviously would have been an excellent opportunity for Mnangagwa’s administration to prove outrightly that Zimbabwe is indeed open for business and ready to join the family of nations.

And comments doing the rounds on the glaring snub by Britain are quite telling despite government spin-doctors’ feeble attempts to play down the rebuff. One economist tweeted thus: “On January 20, the UK will host the UK-Africa Investment Summit in London. Zimbabwe was not invited. Is Zimbabwe open for business? No! Without strong property rights and public safety, foreign investment is impossible to come by.”

While such frank observations and counsel should be building blocks on Zimbabwe correcting its crooked idea of what re-engagement entails, government bureaucrats appear the least bothered by this embarrassing snub.

And it is worrying because it merely points to the fact that the country has lived through a lie that the re-engagement process was bearing fruits. The comments emanating from government corridors indicate that the bureaucrats are disinterested in Zimbabwe being readmitted into the community of nations. And this is disconcerting.

What probably informed the UK’s decision not to invite Zimbabwe is the lawlessness that has been allowed to permeate two of the country’s key economic cogs of agriculture and mining.

Just as it did on the farms, government has allowed more than two million gold panners to invade every gold claim they can lay their hands on, giving rise to the emergence of the terror machete gangsters. This, obviously, cannot be allowed to happen in a country that claims to be open for business.

After nationalising all farmland, government appears to have also nationalised the mining sector given that it has been dilly-dallying on releasing its new mining policy. Under such circumstances, no sane investor will, therefore, bring their money into a country where nothing is guaranteed. What guarantees investments in any country are property rights and general safety of both the locals and foreigners.

At the moment none of these are guaranteed in Zimbabwe where marauding machete-wielding thugs invade police stations and hospitals, killing the law enforcers and innocent citizens. The year 2020 has already started on a very bad note for Zimbabwe.

BY MTHANDAZO NYONI

CALEDONIA Mining Corporation says it expects gold production at its Banket Mine to marginally increase by about 1% to 56 000 ounces this year buoyed by the improved operational performance and the current firm gold prices.

Last year the company produced about 55 182 ounces of gold, 10% ahead of its targeted production of between 53 000 and 56 000 ounces. Approximately 16 876 ounces of gold were produced during the last quarter of 2019, exceeding the previous production record of 16 425 ounces set in the final quarter of 2017.

Production in the quarter was 24% higher than the previous quarter and 13% higher than the corresponding final quarter of 2018.

The company said all production figures were expressed on a 100% basis and were based on mine production data and therefore subject to adjustment following final assay at the refiners.

Caledonia chief executive officer Steve Curtis said he was pleased to see that “we have not lost this momentum as we start 2020 with the mine continuing to perform very well into the new year.”

“With the improved operational performance and the current buoyant gold prices leading to healthy operating margins, we expect Caledonia to continue its track record of strong cash generation,” he said.

“I expect 2020 to be a landmark year for our business: We look forward to commissioning the central shaft later in 2020, which we anticipate will then deliver increased operating cash flows and reduced capital expenditure will follow.”

Caledonia invested about US$44 million into its central shaft at Blanket Mine to be commissioned in the fourth quarter of 2020.

Curtis said an improvement in electricity supply and vigilant focus on grade control and production, have resulted in an excellent production result for the final quarter.

He said the impressive operational turnaround was achieved without any compromises on safety, a commendable achievement given the distractions posed by the challenging conditions experienced by the workers due to the economic environment in Zimbabwe.

In early January 2020, Caledonia announced a 9,1% increase in its quarterly dividend.