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Gukurahundi exhumations shelved

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THE National Peace and Reconciliation Commission (NPRC) has angered human rights activists after saying it was in the dark as to when it would resume the much-awaited exhumation and reburial of Gukurahundi victims.

BY NQOBANI NDLOVU

President Emmerson Mnangagwa pledged to facilitate the exhumation and reburial of Gukurahundi victims as part of a cocktail of measures aimed at addressing the 1980s mass killings in the country.

Bulawayo-based Ukuthula Trust, an independent body of forensic archaeologists and forensic anthropologists, in May last year exhumed the bodies of Justin Tshuma and Thembi Ngwenya who were killed by the Fifth Brigade in March 1983 in Tsholotsho’s Enkwalini community.

The NPRC, among others, attended the event.

However, government was seen as backtracking on its pledge to facilitate more exhumations after top government officials said the process should be stayed until a law to guide the exercise was crafted.

NPRC commissioner Leslie Ncube when asked on what was stalling the exhumation and reburial of Gukurahundi victims who lie in unmarked graves, said: “It’s still quiet. We are having our first meeting next week where we are likely to discuss this and many other issues. For now, I cannot say when (exhumations resume).”

Ibhetshu LikaZulu co-ordinator Mbuso Fuzwayo was, however, not amused.

“It is becoming clear that government has developed cold feet since allowing the exhumations to happen will expose their lies that there was no genocide. Well, that is their own issue to deal with as victims want closure, and they cannot get closure without exhumations…” Fuzwayo said yesterday.

Speaker of Parliament Jacob Mudenda told participants attending a capacity building workshop last year organised by the Justice, Legal and Parliamentary Affairs portfolio committee in Bulawayo that until the law to guide the process was crafted, all exhumations should be halted.

Home Affairs and Cultural Heritage deputy minister Mike Madiro last year said exhumations should be stayed until a policy on carrying out the process was crafted.

Government once initiated a probe into the Gukurahundi massacres, but the findings of the investigation by the Chihambakwe Commission of Inquiry were never made public.

There have been calls for Mnangagwa to release the report in the spirit of promoting national healing and to commit himself to compensating the victims’ families and survivors.

Zanu PF ideological indoctrination for teachers

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BY JAIROS SAUNYAMA

Zanu PF is currently compiling a list of graduate teachers who will undergo the Herbert Chitepo Ideological School training before deployment, a move that is meant to instil patriotism as well as avoid future job actions.

According to a letter dated December 19, 2019 addressed to all provincial chairpersons and signed by Chitepo Ideological School principal, Munyaradzi Machacha, all graduate teachers who are members of the party are set to undergo a “basic orientation course”.

“You are directed to submit a list of names of all party members who have completed teacher training and are awaiting employment by the Public Service Commission. The list must specify the year each candidate completed teacher’s training. Chitepo School of Ideology intends to run a basic orientation course for the trained teachers,” Machacha wrote in the letter, gleaned by NewsDay.

The Chitepo Ideological School is currently housed at Zanu PF headquarters in Harare but its tutors sometimes travel to various provinces conducting indoctrination lessons.

Progressive Teachers Union of Zimbabwe president Takavafira Zhou recently accused Zanu PF of attempting to interfere with the teaching profession.

“Zanu PF is contemplating on Hitlerisation and Zanunisation of the teaching profession by demanding that prospective teachers should first go through the Chitepo School of Ideology,” Zhou claimed during the union’s fourth congress held in Harare.

The current economic meltdown has resulted in teachers threatening job action demanding fair salaries.
During the last national conference, the Zanu PF youth league recommended that every civil servant should undergo the National Youth Service (NYS), popularly known as Border Gezi, as the revolutionary party tries to avoid a revolt from the masses.

The Border Gezi youth programme was introduced in 2000 by the late Zanu PF national commissar, Border Gezi, with the first camp established at Mt Darwin in 2001.

The NYS programme churned out thousands of graduates throughout the country. Some of the graduates were then placed in various government departments after being sent either to teaching or nursing colleges.

Chiyangwa faces fresh allegations

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EMBATTLED former Zifa president, Philip Chiyangwa faces fresh allegations of fraudulently forcing the broke football governing body to fund his personal expenses.

BY HENRY MHARA

It has emerged that he caused Zifa to pay over US$30 000 to fund his appeal to the Court of Arbitration for Sport (CAS) after he failed an integrity test conducted by the Fifa ethics committee.

Documents at hand show that Chiyangwa was eyeing a post in one of Fifa’s standing committees and needed to go through a rigorous integrity test by the world football governing body for him to be eligible.

Chiyangwa decided to approach CAS to appeal the decision and needed to pay $30 500 for his case to be heard.

With the guidance from Chiyangwa’s lawyer Itayi Ndudzo, who doubled as the Zifa legal advisor, the football body’s board members met and resolved to meet the costs of the appeal.

The meeting was chaired by former Zifa vice-president, Omega Sibanda, Chiyangwa’s top ally.

“The allegation is that Mr Chiyangwa refused to respond to a letter from the review committee dated December 6, 2016. In fact, Mr Chiyangwa avers that he did not receive/see the said letter. And the Zifa board having satisfied itself from the counsel (Ndudzo), Zifa has resolved that it is to meet all costs for Mr Chiyangwa,” read part of the Zifa board resolution on the matter, dated June 10, 2017.

Payments were then made to Chiyangwa, with documentary evidence showing that he received a first tranche of US$11 000, which was transferred into his account on July 31, 2017.

On August 5, 2017, he was paid US$10 000, and he received a similar amount two days later.

However, Zifa’s new lawyers have told the body that they could have been misled by counsel to pay a bill which was of a personal nature and had nothing to do with the local football governing body.

Zifa feel Ndudzo, being Chiyangwa’s personal lawyer, was “too conflicted” to offer counsel in the matter.

The association has reported the case to the police’s Commercial Crimes Unit at the Harare Central Police Station in its bid to recover the money.

“Sometime in 2017, Mr P Chiyangwa caused to be paid a total sum of $35 000 to CAS being the Fifa arbitration tribunal. The money paid was for Mr P Chiyangwa’s personal liability. It was not a liability imposed on Zifa.

“As such Mr P Chiyangwa caused Zifa to pay for his personal liability. The said payment was not for Zifa business and Zifa had no liability to pay such an amount to CAS.

“Mr P Chiyangwa never reimbursed Zifa the said money and accordingly, Zifa was prejudiced of its money,” part of the report made to the police read.

The case’s DR number is 37/11/19.

This is one of the several cases of corruption, fraud and criminal abuse of office that have been reported to the police against him.

Chiyangwa is denying the allegations, insisting he did not steal from Zifa during his tenure.
The flamboyant businessman has previously been accused of embezzling thousands of dollars from Zifa during his tenure including withdrawing US$30 000 from a Zifa nostro account, months after he had ceased being an official, in addition to using Zifa money to fund his lavish birthday party in 2017 where Fifa president Gianni Infantino was a guest.

Other allegations that have been levelled against him include converting Zifa donations for his own personal use, using Zifa’s money to spoil his friends, business associates and family by taking them on trips around the world, as well as leasing the Zifa Village to his company.

Selective application of the law retrogressive

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WHILE we support every effort being made by our dedicated police force to maintain law and order in Zimbabwe, it is, however, increasingly becoming difficult to understand why the law enforcement agents appear fervently intent on blocking any activity to do with the opposition MDC party.

NewsDay Comment

For the umpteenth time, the police this week refused to grant MDC leader Nelson Chamisa permission to make his public address in Harare’s most populous Mbare high-density suburb.

This has prompted the MDC leader to blow his top on micro-blogging social media platform Twitter saying: “Enough is enough. We have exhausted all channels and we can’t continue to be victims of unjust application of the law. Rights are for all. On Tuesday January 21, we will deliver the people’s Agenda 20 to the nation, come what may.”

We hold no brief for the MDC, but we believe we have the democratic right to question certain decisions that appear to be unjust, be they affecting the powers-that-be, the opposition or any ordinary citizen.

It does not require a critical thinker to be curious about what is informing the police to keep banning any gathering requested by the opposition. For the record this is an official political party with considerable representation in Parliament.

Many questions boggle the mind. Is the MDC party an illegal party? If it is an illegal political party, when was it outlawed and for what reason? If it is not illegal, then why is it not being allowed to exercise its democratic right to gather and air its views on the contemporary Zimbabwe situation?

National police spokesperson, Assistant Commissioner Paul Nyathi tells us that they were guided by the Maintenance of Peace and Order Act in banning the opposition’s latest request for a gathering. But was that law crafted for the opposition political parties, especially the MDC alone? We believe the continued ban on MDC public gatherings appear to suggest that the party is a lawless organisation. Does that law also apply to the ruling Zanu PF party or all other organisations be they political or otherwise? Why does it appear as if the police are selectively applying the law? Why is it that the police appear jittery about the MDC gatherings anywhere within the borders of Zimbabwe as if they are some very dangerous armed rebel group? Or maybe the police are deliberately creating the ground for confrontation so that they justify a brutal clampdown on the opposition.

Whatever the agenda, stifling citizens and caging them in a tight corner where they are not allowed to freely exercise their constitutional rights is recipe for disaster. Repression of any individual in whatever form, especially through the selective application of the country’s laws, is particularly retrogressive for our troubled democracy and tarnishes the image of the police. It paints the police as partisan and driving the agenda of the ruling Zanu PF party. If this is the case, then why do the police not declare their interests? Under such circumstances, it becomes difficult for the police to tell citizens that they are a professional organisation which applies the law without any fear or favour.

In fact what is happening only serves to embolden the opposition voice. We have no doubt that with this, we remain a divided nation always in fighting mood and when will we have enough time to rebuild our nation as a united people? What legacy will we leave our children? Food for thought!

Govt defends Ndiweni ouster

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GOVERNMENT has said that Ntabazinduna traditional leader Chief Nhlanhlayemangwe Ndiweni was dethroned procedurally because he was not the legitimate heir to the throne.

By Nqobani Ndlovu

Ndiweni, through his lawyer Dumisani Dube, last month filed an application at the Bulawayo High Court challenging government’s decision to dethrone him in November last year on allegations that his installation was not done procedurally.

In his court application, Ndiweni cited President Emmerson Mnangagwa, Local Government minister July Moyo, Chiefs’ Council president Fortune Charumbira, Chief Shana of Matabeleland North provincial chiefs assembly, Matabeleland North provincial administrator Latiso Dlamini and Umguza district development co-ordinator Tapiwa Zivovoyi as respondents.

He submitted that his removal was unlawful because he was not given a chance to defend himself. Ndiweni’s installation is being challenged by his brother Joram who claims to be heir apparent.

But in his affidavit, Local Government permanent secretary Zvinechimwe Ruvinga Churu submitted that Ndiweni’s averments were disputable.

Churu said since Ndiweni’s appointment in 2014, Joram and some members of the clan had continued to petition government to remove him on the grounds that he was installed against the agreed Ndiweni customary principles of succession.

“At one time Joram made a court application challenging the appointment of the applicant as Chief Ndiweni under case number HC 1875/14. These petitions are the ones which prompted the ministry to set up investigation teams in 2014 and in 2017 as well as to refer the matter to the Matabeleland North Provincial Assembly of Chiefs for recommendations to the President,” Churu submitted.

“The applicant was lawfully removed from office as Chief Ndiweni. Section 68 of the Constitution was properly followed and the applicant was given the opportunity to be heard and to make representations during the investigations.”

Churu said Ndiweni misrepresented to the investigation teams that Joram was not interested in being a chief because he was living in the United Kingdom and had no intention of coming back to Zimbabwe.

The matter is yet to be set down for hearing.

Minister appoints consultant for Chiredzi Town Council

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Local Government minister July Moyo has appointed an engineering consultant to help Chiredzi Town Council resolve its perennial water challenges.

By Garikai Mafirakureva

Council chairperson Gibson Hwende told a recent stakeholders’ meeting at Chitsanga Hall in Tshovani high-density suburb that council was leaving no stone unturned in its efforts to address the water crisis.

The meeting was organised by United Chiredzi Residents and Ratepayers’ Association (Uchirra) after some parts of the town went for over four months without running water.

“We are relieved that after frantically looking for engineering experts elsewhere, the minister has decided to give us a consultant to work with our team to solve the water crisis once and for all,” Hwende said.

Residents accused council of generating inflated water bills.

“We are going to sit down as a team and we are definitely going to revert to our usual 20 cubic metres per month. I urge you all to work with my team for us to build a better Chiredzi,” Hwende added.

Chiredzi West MP Farai Musikavanhu (Zanu PF), who attended the stakeholders’ meeting, said he was deeply concerned about the water crisis.

From Zim to UK: A story of war, home and identity

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By Danai Nesta Kupemba

“I DIED for this country,” is a running joke in my family; something my father says whenever Heroes’ Day rolls around, laughing so hard that tears form in his eyes.

But beneath his broad smile is a gentle reminder to me and my three siblings: that he nearly did.
My dad was 12 years old when, in 1975, he joined Zimbabwe’s war of Independence.

Also referred to as the Second Chimurenga, it lasted from 1964 to 1979, and marked the beginning of the end of white minority rule in what was then known as Rhodesia.

It was a fight against Ian Smith’s Rhodesian government (backed by Britain), which sought to protect white settler interests at the expense of the indigenous people of Zimbabwe.

Heroes’ Day commemorates those who fought and died for Zimbabwe’s independence.

With a stomach last filled a few days earlier and his adolescent chest puffed out with pride, my father had signed up to the Zimbabwe African National Liberation Army (Zanla) alongside men two or three times his age in search of freedom and a regular supply of food.
They had a shared dream: that they would one day have their own little piece of Zimbabwe, right the wrongs of the past and take back what had been stolen from them by white settlers.

After a few days of training, my dad and hundreds of other men and boys trekked through the unforgiving terrain of the Eastern Highlands mountain range, surviving on a diet of the grapefruits that grew there.
They were heading towards a training facility in Chimoio, Mozambique, and the promise of hot food. Or so my father thought.

A lieutenant my father had befriended on the trek had other plans for him.

He made him his errand boy and when the time came for most of the men to march on to Chimoio, he kept my father with him. They would march further to a camp in Nyanga, he told him.
My father watched wistfully as the other soldiers marched towards the promise of a hot meal and some rest, singing war songs as they disappeared into the gaping mouth of a sloping valley.
Dozens of blisters later, my father and the lieutenant arrived at Nyanga. At the centre of the camp, a large pot sat atop a fire. The portions were generous and my father was grateful to have been taken under the lieutenant’s wing.
But when he looked around at weapons so old he imagined they must have been recycled from the First Chimurenga (1896-97), he wondered if he would ever get to do what he had signed up for: fight.

So when word came that they would march to Chimoio, my father did so enthusiastically — less bothered by the trek and the diet of grapefruits than he had been before. But the lieutenant, he noticed, walked stiffly, as though his body was reluctant to carry him there.

My father smelled the death before he saw it. When he saw what had happened to many of the men he had marched with before, he was overwhelmed by sadness and an unshakeable feeling of gratitude that he carries with him to this day.
My mother’s battlefield
At around the same time in Bocha, a remote area a couple of kilometres outside what was then Umtali and now Mutare, my mother was 11 years old and being tortured by colonial soldiers — the same people my father was preparing to fight.
The soldiers had accused my mother and her family of harbouring bandits in their home. They ransacked their modest house and the small shop that was their livelihood, but found no one.
Then they beat my mother and her nine-year-old brother with electrical wires until their skin was raw and their throats hoarse from screaming.

A seed of resentment was planted in her. She knew then that she would do whatever she could to ensure the liberation of her country.

She would later tell me stories, her voice filled with excitement and nostalgia, about how she would sneak out of her house at night, careful not to get caught by her parents, and head to the nearby Zanla base, where she would sing for the newly-inducted soldiers to boost their morale.
She had nothing to give them but her voice, she said, so she gave them that.
My grandfather caught her many times, but the beatings he administered did not stop her returning to the camp with the hope that her voice, soft and lilting, would make someone’s day.

At this point in the telling of her story, my mother would invariably begin singing Jehovah Mufudzi Wangu (The Lord Is My Shepherd in Shona), her brown eyes alight with memories and the hope that I might join in.
But Shona felt foreign and heavy on my tongue, so I would stay quiet and the flame in my mother’s eyes would recede.

The end of one war

After the war ended in December 1979 and independence was finally achieved, schools that had been forced to close reopened.
My mum joined her school choir. My dad, fresh from the army, enrolled in the same school. He says he heard her singing before he saw her, but that as soon as he did, he fell in love.
My mother, so defiant and strong, loved the soldier in my father and the youthful recklessness that mirrored her own. My father, scarred but healing from the horrors he had seen, loved the songbird in her.
Together, they carved out a small piece of Zimbabwe for themselves. It was not much; a small house that they shared with another family.

My father got a job in the foreign office and my mother in town planning. At home, they would make sausages and buns that they would sell in their workplaces. They scraped and saved.

My father rose through the ranks and, in 1994, was posted to Germany as a diplomat. His family — my mother and my older brother and sister — went with him and enjoyed life in Bonn.
They returned to Zimbabwe in 1999, a couple of months after I was born, satisfied and happy.
Posted to England
But sometimes life has a strange sense of humour.
As it did in 2003, when my parents, so deeply in love with their nation, were posted to the place they had fought — and sung — against: England.
I was four years old when we arrived and remember wondering where the sun had gone.
But then it snowed and, convinced that I was living in my very own Christmas card, my infant self was won over. Any early memories I had of Zimbabwe quickly disappeared.

It did not take long until I was completely immersed in British culture. I cried when we wore poppies and remembered our lost soldiers. I sang the national anthem word for word, proud to use the voice I had inherited from my mother to show my allegiance to my new home. I sang Auld Lang Syne, willing her to join in, but she would just shake her head and sigh.

Relatives, who often passed through our home when visiting London taunted and teased me, calling me “kamusalad”, a term often used to describe “vanhu varasa tsika”, which means people who have lost their traditional ways.
They pretended to help me by telling me words in Shona, but behind their “help” they held back giggles. My mother tried to defend me, but I saw the sadness in her eyes. I was not in touch with my culture, and I did not care. As far as I was concerned, I was British.
To my parents, it felt as though I was denouncing my heritage; a heritage they had fought for; a heritage they had seen friends die for. They had struggled for an identity I did not want.
Smiles, snarls and sadza nenyama
Each year when International Week rolled around at my primary school, my mother would pack sadza nenyama, a Zimbabwean delicacy, for me to take in.
I would have to show the other pupils how you rolled it in your hand and patted it down in the gravy before putting it in your mouth.
They would compliment me on how delicious it was. But I did not want their compliments. I wanted bangers and mash or shepherd’s pie.
I stopped participating in the food portion of International Week, wondering how I was supposed to feel a connection to this country that felt so removed from who I was and how I lived.
When 2008 came and inflation hit, common people in Zimbabwe became trillionaires who could not buy bread. For months, Zimbabwean diplomats were not paid. But my parents’ loyalty never wavered. They worried about relatives back in Zimbabwe. But they never contemplated defecting as some other diplomats did.
While other people we knew concocted plans to stay in England after their assignments had finished, my parents were busy building their dream home on the outskirts of Harare.
My mother, who had drawn the plans herself, would return there for long stretches of time, meeting architects and builders.
She always returned happier than when she had left, her mind imagining an expanse of trees as far as the eye could see. Their roots were rural and they dreamed of returning to that.
My father simply wanted something that was his again and to leave behind the graceless pretence of England.
He had grown tired of the smiles in which he saw veiled snarls, the words with their double meanings, how polite everyone was and was not.
During our final year in England, my mother seemed to glow, she stopped going to work and focused all her energy on returning. We spent more time together. She took me ice skating, watching from the side of the rink. Everything seemed perfect.
And then I realised that she was preparing me for the loss that was to come; the loss of the only home I had known.
Returning to Zimbabwe
When the time finally came for us to return to Zimbabwe at the end of 2010, I felt numb. I stared at my green passport in the airport departures lounge, willing it to turn maroon, to offer me the physical validation of what I felt inside: that I was British.
I cried on the plane, and asked my dad if we would ever return. He said yes, but he did not look at me as he said it.
When the plane landed, the first thing I noticed was the heat. While my parents removed their jumpers to let the sun dance on their skin, I instantly despised it.
My parents enrolled me in an elite boarding school where the other pupils were fascinated by my accent. They liked listening to me talk and I liked being listened to.
I told them about the time my aunt had pushed me into a fountain in Trafalgar Square, about the holidays we would take to Wales, Scotland and Ireland, about snowball fights and how cold it would be in winter.
They asked me if I had ever met the queen and I told them about how I almost had one time when my parents had attended an African diplomats’ ball.
They hung on to my stories the way I hung on to those memories.
My stories validated that I had been there, that I belonged there, because I felt certain I did not belong in Zimbabwe.
When they spoke Shona, my mind struggled to keep up, so I would just laugh without knowing what I was laughing at.
When the teachers called me London because they could not remember my name, I would feel a frisson of pleasure run through me. I felt seen for who I knew I was.
But then, a few months after returning to Zimbabwe, my accent threatened to leave me; my friends told me it was fading, that I did not sound the same. I heard it too; my “t”s were now hard when I said water. I tried to entice it to stay by using more slang than usual; sprinkling my sentences with words I had hardly ever used in England. I became a caricature.
My accent no longer drew people in and my stories grew old and repetitive too.
It rained the day my mother casually told me that I was losing my accent. It felt like a final goodbye from England, a farewell to her unwanted child.
That was the day things changed.
I started listening to my parents’ stories more, like the one about how my father had eaten tinned food that had been poisoned by Rhodesian soldiers, or about the racism my mother had endured as she worked odd jobs in England to save enough money to buy us Christmas presents.
I understood then that their experience of England and mine had been completely different. The country I saw as home, they saw as an oppressor.
I realised then that who I was was not rooted in where I had grown up but in the people who loved me. I may never love Zimbabwe as fiercely as they do, but I know now that I love them more than I could ever love
England.
— Al Jazeera News

‘Byo shops abusing mealie-meal subsidy’

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BULAWAYO residents have accused some retail shop owners of abusing the subsidised mealie-meal facility by forcing consumers to buy other goods in order for them to be able to purchase the commodity.

BY PRAISEMORE SITHOLE

Residents told Southern Eye that supermarket owners forced them to buy other goods worth over $20 in order to be able to buy a 10kg mealie-meal bag priced at $49,50.

“Government must do something to protect us since this is its subsidised mealie-meal,” a consumer said.

Zimbabwe National Chamber of Commerce Matabeleland chairperson Brighton Ncube confirmed receiving the reports.

“A complaint we have received so far is that customers are being asked to buy other goods by wholesalers before proceeding to buy mealie-meal. From an economic point of view, this actually makes sense because the whole point of a wholesale is to sell goods in bulk as they derive their profit from there,” Ncube said.

“However, for the retail shops, it is not proper. Customers should not be compelled because these retailers buy from wholesalers and their role is to sell single goods to customers.”

He said the problem was emanating from the fact that the subsidised mealie-meal was in short supply.

Consumer Council of Zimbabwe national chairperson Philip Bvumbe said conditional selling of mealie-meal was illegal.

“Conditional selling of goods is prohibited and is very illegal, according to the new Consumer Protection Act, which was recently passed. Companies can be arrested and their licences can be cancelled when they abuse consumers,” he said.

“The Consumer Protection Act can send people to jail. It’s not a Mickey Mouse thing. There is consumer power, consumers must act in a proper manner and those shops doing that, their licences can be revoked.”

Competition hits PPC cash flows

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PERSISTENT macro-economic risks and intense competition across regional cement producer Pretoria Portland Cement (PPC)’s business units have affected the firm’s return on capital and free cash flows, dampening debt-reduction prospects, a ratings agency S&P Global has said.

BY FIDELITY MHLANGA

PPC operates a clinker plant in Gwanda (Colleen Bawn) in the southern part of the country, as well as a cement milling plant outside Bulawayo and another one in Harare.

The S&P Global ratings on PPC at the time of withdrawal reflected the weak trading environment across the company’s portfolio and risks on reprofiling its debt maturities.

“On January 13, 2020, S&P Global Ratings withdrew its South Africa national scale issuer credit ratings on PPC Ltd at the company’s request. Our ratings on PPC reflected our view of the company’s established brand presence and market position in South Africa and its other African operations. However, persistent macroeconomic risks and intense competition across PPC’s portfolio has affected its return on capital and free cash flows, dampening debt-reduction prospects,” PPC said in a statement.

“Furthermore, the company is yet to refinance its largely amortising debt maturity profile, which could pressure liquidity further. The ratings on PPC at the time of withdrawal reflected the weak trading environment across the company’s portfolio and risks on re-profiling its debt maturities.”

The cement producer also added: “PPC wishes to inform shareholders that it successfully completed the repayment of the bond programme on October 31, 2019 and subsequently terminated the rating service agreement with the ratings agency S&P Global Ratings.

“In accordance with internal procedures, S&P has issued a research update dated January 13, 2020 informing the market about the withdrawal and their view on the ratings of PPC following the interim results released by PPC on the Stock Exchange News Service on November 20, 2019. The credit rating of South African national scale corporate credit ratings has remained unchanged since last issued in March 2019.”

According to the group’s condensed consolidated financial statements for the six-month period ended September 30, 2019, group revenue declined 12% to R4 948 million attributable to a 17% decline in overall cement volumes to 2,6 million tonnes.

Cost of sales declined 10% to R4 023 million compared to the previous year, while overheads reduced by 4% to R555 million.

After the presentation of the monetary policy statement last February, PPC Zimbabwe Ltd, in an update, said it was saddled with a US$21 million legacy debt to PPC South Africa which awaited repatriation.

“PPC has reviewed the monetary policy statement issued on the 20 February 2019. The impact on the group is as follows: (i) The functional reporting currency will be the RTGS$ [Zimdollar]. A full impact assessment, including systems alignment is underway.

“The initial rate of $2,5:US$1 applies only to a portion of the US$60 million cash balance, amounting to US$30 million to US$35 million. The remaining balance, including US$16 million in dividends and US$5 million rights offer proceeds, qualifies as legacy debt due to PPC RSA, which is awaiting repatriation,” PPC said then.

‘Corruption fuels Zim hunger’

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CORRUPTION and mismanagement of the agricultural sector are the major drivers of food shortages in Zimbabwe, where over 7,7 million people urgently require food, a top European Union (EU) diplomat has said.

BY BLESSED MHLANGA

Addressing journalists in Harare yesterday soon after the release of an additional US$18,7 million kitty to help alleviate hunger in Zimbabwe, EU ambassador to Zimbabwe, Timo Olkkonen said this could not have been necessary if the government had properly managed its business.

“Obviously there is this link to the climate change phenomena and the drought that has been induced in southern Africa, but it has been shown also very clearly in the report by the UN rapporteur on the right to food that the situation that makes food insecurity such a grave issue in Zimbabwe is the mismanagement of the agricultural sector in recent years,” he said.

“So large areas are lying fallow. There is no much investment coming into farming and this is related to the issues around governance and how the agricultural sector is performing. So, these issues, for example the subsidy system, has caused a lot of problems, like Command Agriculture. We have read issue about mismanagement around it and these are compounding issues around it.”

The statements by the EU come just days after Acting President Constantino Chiwenga revealed in court papers that he was allocated a luxurious Lexus vehicle through Command Agriculture.

The EU, which has proved to be a thorn in the flesh for President Emmerson Mnangagwa’s administration, said the economic crisis would worsen life for Zimbabweans in 2020.

“We also have the current economic crisis, which is also linked to previous mismanagement. Issues around inflation, currency and lack of foreign currency are compounding the current crisis around food,” Olkkonen said.

Meanwhile, the World Food Programme (WFP), which has secured US$205 million of the US$489 million required to provide assistance to 8,3 million people in Zimbabwe, Zambia, Mozambique, Madagascar, Namibia, Lesotho, eSwatini and Malawi, said Zimbabwe was the worst hit.

“Zimbabwe is in the throes of its worst hunger emergency in a decade, with 7,7 million people — half the population — seriously food insecure,” WFP said in a statement.

“So too are 22% of people in Zambia, a long time regional breadbasket now having to restrict cereal exports and accept outside assistance. Twenty percent of the population of drought-stricken Lesotho are also now severely hungry, as are 10% of Namibians.”

Zimbabwe faces surging food prices, poor medical infrastructure and malnutrition in rural areas, putting a heavy burden on the food aid.

“In a context of already high rates of malnutrition, population growth, inequality, and HIV and Aids, the hunger crisis is being aggravated by surging food prices, large-scale livestock losses and mounting joblessness,” WFP said.

“Families across the region are eating less, skipping meals, taking children out of school, selling off precious assets and falling into debt.”