Tendai Kamba

In an effort to revive the agricultural sector, government has asked the Reserve Bank of Zimbabwe to print electronic dollars, increasing money supply and flooding the market with created dollars (wish it could be called (Mosi-oa-tunya currency — the currency that keeps falling) in order to finance the so-called Command Agriculture. This increase in money supply has fuelled the fires of hyperinflation, led to the rapid fall in the exchange rate, increases in electricity tariffs (that is not available anyway) by more than 320%, and fuel by more than 25%. I believe that, besides adding misery to the already miserable and unbearable lives of Zimbabweans, the so-called Command Agriculture will not work for a number of reasons.
First, Command Agriculture is just a way that Zanu PF designed to transfer rents from the ordinary Zimbabweans or State coffers into the private hands of the Zanu PF elites.

The first people in line to benefit from the more than US$500 million allocated for the programme are the senior Zanu PF officials, senior military and civil servants who do not have anything to do with agriculture. Instead of using these resources for agriculture, surely this money will find itself in foreign bank accounts for funding expensive and lavish lifestyles.

Unfortunately, the poor farmer in Karoi would be lucky to see even a single bag of fertiliser from the programme, if any is left after the Zanu PF network down to the village level has looted the inputs. Command Agriculture is a classic programme of privatising State resources and enriching the few elites, while bankrupting and socialising poverty for the ordinary Zimbabweans. Second, the Command Agriculture programme does not have any incentives (carrots and sticks) to encourage the recipients to put the resources into good agricultural use.

The recipients get a blank cheque that does not have any strings attached. This is a classic example of leaving a five-year-old with a cookie jar and expect them to be a responsible person.

There is no repayment requirement for the recipients to ensure that the programme is self-sustaining. There is no requirement of past production history (the only requirement is Zanu PF and or bureaucracy connection), no monitoring of the progress on the utilisation of the assistance, no prosecution of recipients who abuse the system, no record keeping of the recipients, and an evaluation of the impact of the programme after its end. With no incentives, no wonder why most recipients would gladly pocket the money and send the Zimbabwean people a sucker thank you note. This is puzzling, given that even the Chinese model from which this programme is conceived has got string incentive requirements and enforcement mechanisms. This programme is there to provide 100% benefits to the ruling elite, while leaving the Zimbabwean people holding an empty bag without any benefit.

It’s a shame that this programme is there to grease the stomachs of the powerful and well connected.

In conclusion, let me state clearly that I would offer my unqualified support if Command Agriculture is well conceived; it can clearly put Zimbabwe back on a path to the agricultural green revolution that we veered off really bad in the early 1990s. Our agricultural programmes have been there to feed the fat cats (the elite), while loading taxation on the ordinary Zimbabweans through hyperinflation, stripping public institutions of assets (for example Reserve Bank’s more than US$3 billion debt liability from all the Mechanisation programme to Command Agriculture). I propose that for the sake of our country, let us have a Command Agriculture that is fit for purpose in 2019.

One such programme is one in which the government allocates money to public and private agricultural institutions and demand a below market rate that is sustainable.

Then let government institutions such as Agribank (if it still exists) loan the funds under the right incentives, monitor its implementation and evaluate its impact. Such a programme will take Zimbabwe on an agricultural revolution path. I am sure the Zanu PF elite will be happy to live rich among well-off citizens rather than continue the current situation of living rich among poverty-stricken citizens.

If so, I propose that the policy-makers consider this opinion for the sake of my beloved country that bleeds red soil.

BY SHARON SIBINDI

IBHAYISIKOPO Film Project in Bulawayo has partnered Hivos to embark on a campaign that seeks to improve women’s access to, and participation in, the media, film and television industry.
The initiative also seeks to build their capacity to fight gender-based violence (GBV) through offering a media reporting manual and an increased level of digital participation.

Priscilla Sithole Ncube (pictured) of Ibhayisikopo Film Project told NewsDay Life & Style that the GBV digital reporting manual will be used to address the barriers that restrict the influence of women doers and change makers in film and the media.

“This project aims to contribute towards the fight against gender-based violence and toxic masculinity in Zimbabwe’s socio-political landscape. The strategy to achieve this will involve working with the media houses, the public, government institutions, tertiary institutions and arts organisations so as to create and implement a solution,” she said.

“The project will further provide a women-friendly capacity-building environment, dominated by women during the implementation project.”

The development, Ncube said, entailed the provision of the necessary skills and networks for women in media and film so that they can share knowledge.

“The GBV digital reporting manual will also be a rallying point for women’s advocacy initiatives and help women in the media to self-organise against gender inequality, sexual harassment, gender-based violence and women’s lack of access to economic empowerment,” she said.

Ncube said 10 women frontrunners from various sectors including universities and civil society organisations will be selected to contribute towards the collation of the manual.

“GBV in the media includes stereotypes, gender insensitive reporting, exclusion of women and homophobia. The project is in view of the use of digital media as a path to capacitate women in social and political advocacy,” she said.

Ncube said the victimisation of women directly involved in the media included labelling and stereotyping, to the detriment of female change makers in the country’s media.

“Very often, when efforts are being made to liberate women from various obstacles hindering their total and full participation in the media, film and television, focus is frequently restricted towards obvious structures of violence like physical violence and sexual harassment,” she said.

“Very little effort is directed towards engaging structural violence and the masculinity of the space, its gender insensitivity and the fixation of opportunities to either males or a few women at the benevolence of males.”

BY SILAS NKALA

A MAN from Siantibule village in Binga has been jailed for 14 years after kidnapping his former girlfriend and taking her to his home where he allegedly raped her four times.

Pangayitari Mudimba (30) pleaded not guilty to one count of kidnapping and four counts of rape when he appeared before Hwange regional magistrate Collet Ncube on Tuesday.

The magistrate yesterday convicted and sentenced him to an effective 14-year jail term after overwhelming evidence was proffered by the State that he committed the offence.

Prosecutor Memory Munsaka told the court that Mudimba was involved in a love affair with a 24-year-old woman (name withheld for ethical reasons), but had recently separated.

It is the State’s case that on October 31, 2018 at around 7pm, Mudimba called the woman and told her to bring his mobile phone she was in possession of when they separated.

Mudimba told her that he would wait for her by the road side. The woman, in the company of her sister’s daughter, went to meet Mudimba, where she handed over the mobile phone.

It was the State case that after handing over the phone, Mudimba grabbed her and dragged her towards his home.

The woman struggled to free herself, but Mudimba maintained a tight grip on her. The court heard that the woman later bit Mudimba to free herself, but Mudimba retaliated by bitting her on the shoulder.

Mudimba managed to drag her to his bedroom hut where he raped her four times before letting her go.

The woman later made a report to the police, leading to Mudimba’s arrest.

BY CHARLES LAITON

Parirenyatwa Hospital-based neurosurgeon Aaron Musara has accused the institution’s department of anaesthesia and clinical medicine of neglecting and refusing to attend to patients in need of urgent surgical operations.

He said this had resulted in the unnecessary death of many patients at the country’s biggest referral hospital.

Musara made the remarks in his court application in which he is seeking an order to compel the hospital’s authorities to nullify an adverse report against him which it authored and kept in his personal file.

The report suggests that the surgeon carried out an unprocedural and inappropriate operation on a patient despite the fact that the hospital’s head of anaesthesia and clinical medicine refused to assist him.

“This conduct also poses serious emotional and psychological challenges to surgical teams as sometimes patients die in our full view due to delayed and/or cancelled surgical operations occasioned by the absence of anaesthetic services…in December 2018, I lost a patient, by the name Gloria Shambare, who we had failed to operate on for 52 days due to persistent refusal by anaesthetists to render their services” Musara said.

Musara, who is also a senior lecturer in the neurosurgery unit at the University of Zimbabwe said he was now being tormented by the hospital’s authorities after taking an independent decision to administer general anaesthesia on one Shadreck Musekiwa.

He said this was after the hospital’s anaesthetic team refused to anaesthetise the patient on the basis that they wanted to attend lectures.

“I further explained to him the urgent need to operate on the patient on the day in question. I further pleaded with him to put the patient to sleep to avoid the emotional assault that comes with watching a patient who can potentially recover deteriorate right before us,” Musara said in his affidavit.

“He (head of anaesthesia) advised that the operation was to be cancelled as he had also briefed his consultant and they had made a decision to cancel the operation…he walked out of the operating room, leaving my team and I stranded.”

Musara said with a full appreciation that the patient was only left to the surgical team and no specialised anaesthetic services available, he took the bold decision to administer general anaesthesia upon Musekiwa and the team carried out a successful operation.

However, after Musara’s successful operation on his patient, the head of the division of anaesthesia and clinical medicine, lodged a complaint with the hospital’s acting clinical director, Aspect Jacob Maunganidze, accusing Musara of misconduct in the manner he had handled Musekiwa’s case.

“To my surprise, I was served with a letter on August 8, 2019 where, inter alia, the second respondent ruled that when I administered general anaesthesia upon Musekiwa on June 5, 2019, I acted in an unprocedural and inappropriate manner. He further advised that the communication would be kept in my personal file for future reference,” he said.

Musara further said Musekiwa’s case was not isolated in that it was actually the habit of the division of anaesthesia and clinical care medicine for consultants and students to provide services only up to 1pm.

“They abandon work between 1pm and 4pm citing very flimsy reasons like attending lectures and meetings. This is inspite of the fact that the operation list for the hospital runs from 8am to 4pm. Thus, from 1pm surgical operations are cancelled due to absence of anaesthetic services,” Musara said.

The matter is pending.

Cyprian Muketiwa Ndawana

Although the deposed late former President Robert Mugabe was finally buried at his rural home in Zvimba, tongues will continue waging. As I see it, his snubbing the National Heroes Acre, a shrine he initiated, was a policy shift which warrants thoughtful analysis.

Throughout his decades long rule, Mugabe was conspicuous by the hundred-plus eulogies he delivered at Heroes Acre. He esteemed the shrine with utmost reverence, venerating it as the hallowed resting zone for departed gallant liberation heroes.

It was inconceivable that he would be buried anywhere else. There was consensus that his final resting place was at the mountain, pachikomo, as said in Zanu PF circles. Yet, that was not to be; the tide suddenly turned on him as it did with the biblical Samson.

A week is said to be a long time in politics. Indeed, events of mid-November 2017 were, to all intents and purposes, a long time for Mugabe. He was toppled from the Zanu PF party leadership and the presidency in a dramatic military intervention operation. Despite his initial resistance, defying with the phrase: “Asante Sane”, Mugabe eventually yielded. He henceforth became sworn enemies with the party he led for decades. Sadly for him, the daggers drawn out relationship later robbed his funeral of solemnity.

Wrangling marred his burial arrangements. There were soap opera-like dramatics over his burial details. While government haggled for him to be buried at the National Heroes Acre, his family dug heels deep and played hardball. Finally, the wishes Mugabe prescribed for himself prevailed. There were no prospects of deviating from wishes which he stated to his family. However, given President Emmerson Mnangagwa’s intimate knowledge of Mugabe, he should have known better that his late mentor was bound to be as obstinate in death as he was in life.

It was apparent from the onset that his family was obliged to respect his decision to shun the national shrine. He was a vindictive person, hence he did not want government in general and Mnangagwa in particular, to officiate at his burial.

While government pleaded on bended knees, including soliciting influence of traditional chiefs, the dye was cast for the Mugabe family. There were zero probabilities, not even the proverbial snowball’s chance in hell, for the family to accommodate government requests.

Despite it being overally benevolent, chartering a plane to Malaysia with party and government bigwigs on board, the family was not assuaged. It later underscored the obstinacy of Mugabe by refusing an offer for his body to be stored at a military mortuary.

Disdainful to government, the family opted for the body to lie in state at his Blue Roof mansion than a military morgue. As if the refusal was not sufficiently embarrassing, burial went ahead while a mausoleum, especially for him, was under construction at Heroes Acre.

Ultimately, Mugabe’s burial was held with no senior government officiating. He did not want anyone associated with his deposal to grace his funeral. Even the Zimbabwe Broadcasting Corporation, that used to be part of his entourage, was barred from his obsequies. Obviously, this was retributive scorn to his successor. Also, exiled G40 kingpins likewise dismissed with contempt the truce government offered. As I see it, the controversy that played out during his final moments were a perfect portrayal of his barbaric nature.

It is, therefore, pertinent to examine the view that his burial at Zvimba negatively impacted on Heroes Acre. With all due respect, my submission is that the shrine was not diminished. It is a lame conclusion that without Mugabe, Heroes Acre fizzles out to mere commonplace.

Although providence allowed him to be First citizen, he was not a nation builder at heart. He was preoccupied with himself than with the nation, hence he disregarded succession planning. Inevitably, his induced removal was a necessary evil; an act of last resort. Methinks it is basically foolhardy to decorate him. He was a bully~boy committed to a one-party State rule. He has a catalogue of atrocities and brutalities under his belt. During his tenure, many politicians, including Rtd General Solomon Mujuru, died in dubious accidents.
There are no ways a leader who established for himself a vast island of prosperity amid a sea of poverty could be a hero. It is, therefore, my fervent conviction that his burial at Zvimba did not blight Heroes Acre stature because he was never a hero from the onset.

At the imminent risk of inviting retributions from Mugabe loyalists, it is my submission that he was a villain. He wrought the ongoing economic meltdown. He committed electoral fraud. It is because of him that Zimbabwe is now deserted by investors and nationals also.

What was said of Harry Kumbula, then leader of African National Congress of Zambia is equally true of Mugabe. ”Kumbula branded anyone who opposed anything he wanted as either communist or sell~out,” wrote David Kaunda in his book, Zambia Shall Be Free.

There is a long list of nationals who were likewise labelled by Mugabe. He habitually berated not only his fellow party cadres, but the opposition and his counterparts from other countries as well. He wanted people to cower before him.

He was invective, resorting to outbursts as he did to former British Prime Minister Tony Blair, who he bellowed to keep his Britain. He was arrogant towards the Commonwealth troika on Zimbabwe when he abruptly withdrew the country from the league of nations.

His Look East policy, which he ran with after souring relations with the West benefited only his household. He sought medical care and eventually died there. As I see it, his burial at Zvimba was work of the proverbial invisible hand which separated wheat from chaff.

His obstinacy caused business closures and exodus of nationals to the diaspora. Basically, citizenry were ill fated. He was not a Statesman; not even a gentleman. He encouraged violent takeovers of commercial farms which culminated in Zimbabwe importing food. He talked of gutsa ruzhinji/ukusuthisa ilizwe (equitible distribution of wealth), yet he did not walk his talk. Instead, it was his family and friends who accumulated riches. He even got multiple commercial farms contrary to the one farm per family policy.

It was said of emperor Caesar Augustus that he improved Rome from being a city of brick to a city of marble. Yet, for Mugabe that was not so. He inherited Harare as a vibrant regional commercial hub, and left it merely a rundown village with no semblance of modernity. It is a grievous fallacy to regard him as superior in stature to the late Joshua Nkomo, Ndabaningi Sithole, Nikita Mangena and Herbert Chitepo, to mention, but a few liberation stalwarts. Overtures by his family to flaunt him as epic are wantonly misplaced and annoying. However, his family is not alone in esteeming him. Ironically, even the government that ousted him also offers libation. It raised a stench when Mnangagwa called for a minute’s silence in his honour during State of the Nation Address. As I see it, fatuous acts must end.

business reporter

After long regulatory delays, Zimbabwe has now begun cultivation of hemp and cannabis, with high hopes to add a new export into its pot of traditional cash crops.

In 2018, Zimbabwe announced it would allow the cultivation of cannabis for medicinal purposes, and further amendments to the law this September legalised the growing of industrial hemp, which is used in the manufacture of fibres.

On Friday, overcoming bureaucracy and the suspicion that has long-delayed investment, the Zimbabwe Industrial Hemp Trust (ZIHT) sowed six varieties of industrial cannabis, the country’s first authorised hemp crop. Industrial hemp is a variety of cannabis that is grown for industrial uses in textiles, paper, rope and edible seeds.

The notion that hemp is “mbanje”, or marijuana, has, however, caused some suspicion and delay. In reality, hemp, unlike marijuana, is not a drug and does not make one “high”. Unlike marijuana, hemp contains a low count of psychoactive substance THC.

ZIHT founder, dentist Zorodzai Maroveke, says she discovered the opportunity when she bought a dress made from hemp fabric while studying in China. She has lobbied for years to have the production of cannabis and industrial hemp legalised, which meant having to convince government officials to overcome their own prejudices.

Hazy regulation

Johannes Swan, co-founder of lobby group the Roots Movement, says they still have to prove to the government that hemp is not a narcotic.

“As soon as we can prove that to them then we can take this to a larger scale and go commercial. We hope to be producing the best quality hemp fibre in the world,” Swan says.

However, the industry has won part of the battle against negative perception, with Agriculture Minister Perence Shiri attending Friday’s first plant.

“This project is the first of its kind in the history of our country,” Shiri said. “This pilot project will provide essential knowledge or information for the successful production of this crop. The benefits that will be derived from the production of industrial hemp are enormous and varied.”

Hazy on how to regulate the crop, and confused by differing submissions by applicants over just how much the crops would earn for the country, government took months to develop a licencing regime.

Growers of hemp and cannabis – two different crops – get licences running for up to five years, and have to produce their crops under strict monitoring.

To convince the sceptics in government, growers have had to show them the numbers. According to consultancy firm, Prohibition Partners, Africa’s legal cannabis industry could earn up to US$7,1 billion per year by 2023 “if a number of the continent’s major markets open up and mirror the trend of legalisation” seen in markets such as the USA, Canada and Europe.

Since legalisation of cannabis growing last year, interest has been strong, with over 350 applications received within weeks of the announcement.

“We will find the funding for it. There are many interested parties already,” Swan says.

The new hemp project in Harare, on a 10 hectare patch on the fields of the Harare Central Prison, is partly funded by NSK Holdings, an international company, and Symtomax, a Portuguese firm that will provide technical farming support.

Joint venture

In Marondera, British firm Eco Equity has begun work on its US$6.3 million medicinal cannabis project. The company plans to complete a greenhouse by the first quarter of 2020, start cultivation in the second quarter, and begin exports of the product by the third quarter.

Eco Equity has partnered with Dutch greenhouse manufacturer DutchGreenhouses and Australian cannabis company Delta Tetra to build the facility. The company says it has been granted a long-term lease on 2 000 hectares of land to grow and process cannabis.

Jon-Paul Doran, Eco Equity CEO, said: “After months of planning, we have moved on to the next exciting phase of our project and we are already seeing the first pictures of the work undertaken. We believe we have the perfect site in terms of both location and climate to cultivate the optimum quality cannabis, which we can use for medicinal purposes. We have employed experts from around the globe to ensure our facilities are cutting edge as we look to provide an alternative natural cure.”

According to Eco Equity, the project has an expenditure requirement of £5 million (US$6,3 million), which will include total capital cost of £3 million and £2m as working capital.
— newZWire

Style reporter

JOHANNESBURG — Marah Louw has applauded Vatiswa Ndara for penning an open letter highlighting the alleged mistreatment of actors at Ferguson Films last week.

The veteran actress has since reflected on the consequences she’s had to endure since speaking out against the company last year.

Vatiswa cast the spotlight on alleged “bullying and exploitation” of actors through an open letter which she addressed to arts and culture minister Nathi Mthethwa.

Marah had a run-in with the production company last year, saying her contract was terminated in September 2017 after producers told her that writers had run out of storylines for her character.

She was then apparently offered a per-call contract which she labelled as “insulting and disrespectful”. Shona Ferguson told Sunday Sun that Marah was not fired from the show but was in and out of contract.

After reading Vatiswa’s letter last week, Marah said she was glad that someone had spoken out about the treatment of actors in the industry.

She said that it was encouraging to see actors rally behind Vatiswa but warned that the actress could be blacklisted, like she had been.

“Since I spoke out, I have been blacklisted. I have not worked since 2017. It’s a cruel industry. I have been told by a few producers that they would love to work with me but they have been told that I am impossible to work with and complain about money. I was told by another producer that he wanted to work with me but was told not to. I now live by the grace of God,” she said.

Marah denied claims that she is a diva and said her issues with the production company had not been resolved.

The Fergusons’ lawyer Brendan de Kooker said he was waiting for instructions from his clients before commenting.

Marah said she was proud of Vatiswa for taking a stand but questioned whether the minister would really take action.

SA Guild of Actors chair Jack Devnarain also applauded Vatiswa for speaking out on alleged exploitation in the acting industry and said she may have sacrificed her career in doing so.

“She is a whistle-blower, she has laid it bare. Sadly she has had to sacrifice. What exactly that sacrifice means, we don’t fully know yet, but it is possible that she has sacrificed her career as an actress,” he said.

Jack said that part of the issue was that younger talent was coming into the industry and were willing to work for less, making it easier to exclude other talented actors.
—TshisaLIVE

BY HENRY MHARA

PRINCE Dube has had a campaign to remember in the African Nations Championships (Chan) qualifiers so far.

The Warriors hitman has scored five times to top the goalscoring charts in the qualifiers, following his hat-trick against Mauritius in the second round and a brace against Lesotho in the first leg of the final round qualifier last month.

Zimbabweans will be looking up to him again to provide more sparkle when the Warriors travel to Maseru this weekend, hoping to finish off the Crocodiles, who they lead 3-1 from the first leg.

Wellington Taderera scored the other goal for the Warriors while Hlompho Kalake converted a late penalty to give Lesotho something to fight for in the Sunday match.

If the Joey Antipas-coached side win, draw or avoid a defeat by a two-goal margin, they will book a ticket to the Chan finals set for Cameroon next year.

Dube reckons that the job is half done and all his and the team’s effort this far will count for nothing if they fail to go past the last hurdle.

“I’m feeling good at the moment. I wish to continue from where I left in the last match against Lesotho. I want to continue helping the team to achieve our goals. It’s not all about me, but the team and I hope we will continue to have that understanding in the team going forward,” Dube said.

Until recently, Dube has been scoring goals for fun in the national team, but struggling for his club Highlanders. He explains: “All I do is to give my best when I get the chance to play. It’s not that I was playing badly at the start of the season; it’s just that I was unlucky. I was playing well, but I wasn’t scoring, but now I’m doing it.

“It’s all about being patient. I’m getting in goal-scoring positions and getting those goals, so I hope to continue with this form. I will try to score from the chances I get.”

The Warriors are carrying what appears a comfortable lead going into the decisive second leg, but Dube is wary.

“We have to play our usual game. We have to go there and showcase our talent. We know it’s not going to be easy, it’s going to be a totally different game. So we will also have to approach it with caution. We will have to try to score goals and get a good result,” Dube said.

Antipas yesterday picked the final 18 players that will travel to Maseru this afternoon and he kept the core of the team that did duty in the first leg.

From the 11 that started the match at the National Sports Stadium, only Never Tigere missed out. The FC Platinum midfielder did not make the provisional squad this time around.

Joel Ngodzo and Kelvin Madzongwe, who did not participate in the first leg due to passport problems, are in the travelling squad.

Big names that have been left out from the list of players that were in camp, are Dynamos striker Evans Katema, Leeroy Mavunga of Yadah and Ngezi Platinum Stars talisman Donald Teguru.
The team flies out to Johannesburg today, where they will connect to Maseru by road.

Only players who are playing in their country’s domestic leagues are eligible to compete in the Chan tournament.

Warriors travelling squad

Goalkeepers: Simbarashe Chinani (Dynamos) Ariel Sibanda (Highlanders)

Defenders: Partson Jaure (Manica Diamonds), Peter Muduwa, MacClive Phiri (Highlanders), Frank Makarati (Ngezi Platinum) Ian Nekati (ZPC Kariba), Xolani Ndlovu (Chicken inn)

Midfielders: Kelvin Madzongwe (FC Platinum) Tichaona Chipunza, Valentine Kadonzvo (Chicken Inn) Nqobizitha Masuku (Highlanders) Ralph Kawondera (Triangle) Joel Ngodzo, Phenias Bamusi (Caps).

Strikers: Prince Dube (Highlanders) Obriel Chirinda (Chicken Inn) Wellington Taderera (Black Rhinos)

By Phyllis Mbanje

In what could be a major bungling on the part of the Health Services Board (HSB), some striking medical doctors were paid their salaries despite being absent from duty since last month while many did not get the salaries.

Yesterday, doctors at Parirenyatwa Group of Hospitals confronted management over the non-payment of their salaries, amid indications that doctors, mostly from Harare Central Hospital, had been paid despite being away from duty like the rest.

Yesterday was their official pay date.

Sources said they were told that they had not been reporting for duty and were, therefore, not getting paid.

“They said reason for non-payment was because we had not been reporting for duty,” one source said.

However, Parirenyatwa Hospital spokesperson Linos Dhire said he was not in a position to comment on the matter.

Contacted for comment, HSB chairman Paulinus Sikhosana said he needed more time to respond.

“I will need to verify this information. (It’s) not possible to do so today,” he said.

The sources also said HSB might have been sending incorrect records of doctors who allegedly came to work.

“It is public knowledge that doctors were incapacitated, so where did these ones who were paid come from?” another source asked rhetorically.

The stand-off between the medical personnel entered day 45 yesterday, with no solution in sight.

Patients continue to be turned away, while some, who were admitted, have since discharged themselves.

Health minister Obadiah Moyo has pleaded with the doctors to go back to work and maintained that his door was open for further negotiations.

BY MTHANDAZO NYONI

CALEDONIA Mining Corporation (Caledonia)’s gold production for the nine months to September 30, 2019 slumped 3,2% to 38 306 ounces compared to the same period last year, due to electricity supply interruptions.

In the same period last year, gold production totalled 39 559 ounces.

Caledonia, which operates Blanket Mine in Zimbabwe, says approximately 13 646 ounces of gold were produced during the third quarter of the year, 7,3% above the 12 712 ounces produced in the second quarter of 2019.

It, however, said all production numbers were expressed on a 100% basis as well as based on mine production data and were therefore subject to adjustment following final assay at the refiners.

An exploration, development and mining corporation, Caledonia said it maintains its 2019 full year production guidance of 50 000 to 53 000 ounces and remains on track to meet its target of 80 000 ounces by 2022.

“Production in the third quarter of 2019 was slightly below our target, but showed steady growth in production on the previous two quarters. Production in the quarter had a difficult start due to significant interruptions in the supply of electricity in July and early August although the electricity situation improved substantially later in the quarter. Caledonia remains on track to achieve our guidance of 50 000 to 53 000 ounces for the full year,” the company’s chief executive officer, Steve Curtis, said in a statement.

Zimbabwe has been experiencing crippling power outages which have seen industry and households going for up to 18 hours a day without electricity, hampering production in the process.

Curtis said they were pleased to have completed the shaft sinking phase of the central shaft project during the quarter, a significant milestone for their business.

“The shaft has now entered the equipping phase of the project which we expect to be completed in mid-2020. We look forward to commencing production from the central shaft during the second half of 2020 which is expected to deliver the company’s growth plan to achieve 75 000 ounces in 2021 and 80 000 ounces by 2022,” he said.

In November 2018, Caledonia announced that it had signed a legally binding agreement to increase its shareholding in Blanket from 49% to 64% subject to the receipt of, among other things, regulatory approvals.