Akinola Olojo

WHEN neither side can achieve the upper hand in a game of chess, it is only a matter of time before a stalemate is declared.

In a protracted battle in which no one enjoys the upper hand, the question is not if, but when there will be an impasse. Chess is, of course, a world away from the painful deadlock between States and terror groups characterised by the loss of lives and social upheaval – but it’s a useful analogy.

In the real world, countries in the horn of Africa, the Lake Chad Basin and the Sahel have formed coalitions against groups such as al-Shabaab, Boko Haram, the Islamic State West Africa Province and the Jama’at Nasr al-Islam wal Muslimin. Military campaigns against some of these groups have dragged on for more than a decade, sustained by shrinking budgets largely bankrolled from outside the continent.

The African Union Mission in Somalia, the Multinational Joint Taskforce and the G5 Sahel have managed very complex counter-terrorism operations with a measure of success.

However, as time passes, battles build into a war of attrition with little prospect of a total military victory. This is because opposing sides show no sign of capitulation.

This situation raises two questions. The first is whether the predominant approach by affected countries, anchored by the use of force, is capable of delivering a lasting solution? The answer is no. Militarised responses have helped, but are unsustainable in the long term. This is because of the multi-dimensional nature of violent extremism or terrorism.

Another issue is that African countries and external actors have shifting financial priorities and capacities. At its peak, the African Union Mission in Somalia in the horn of Africa deployed over 22 000 uniformed personnel at a cost of roughly US$1 billion a year. The Lake Chad Basin operation has been similarly expensive.

This leads to the second question: Is it possible to begin to systematically explore an alternative strategy? As a researcher focused on transnational threats and international crime, this question is what led to my policy brief published by the Institute for Security Studies in Pretoria.

The Global Terrorism Index lists al-Shabaab, Boko Haram and its breakaway faction, Islamic State West Africa province, among the deadliest terror groups globally.
All three demand a strict form of Islamic government or caliphate to replace existing State authorities they perceive as secular.

There have been calls to initiate some form of dialogue with some of these groups. But their rigid ideological stance and factional dynamics complicate efforts. It is difficult to identify specific individuals or factions to dialogue with.

Attempts at dialogue have also been short-lived due to other factors. Governments lacked political will and discretion. There was also a lack of consensus regarding objectives, process and expected outcomes.

This is particularly the case with the Lake Chad Basin. Nigeria witnessed mediatory talks with family members of the slain Boko Haram leader Mohammed Yusuf in 2011.

Later in 2012, Boko Haram itself voluntarily chose the president of the Supreme Council of Sharia in Nigeria as a mediator with the government. In 2011, one of the key individuals on Boko Haram’s side was unexpectedly assassinated. In 2012, the mediator on behalf of Boko Haram withdrew from talks while blaming the government for leaks to the media.
What’s at stake when considering dialogue?

The complex and sensitive option of dialogue should not be viewed as a one-off event. It should also not be understood as a one-size-fits-all strategy for ending terror in Africa.
Rather, dialogue should be more deeply explored as a complementary approach that goes beyond the short-sighted use of military might.

There is the unfolding case of dialogue between the United States and the Taliban in Afghanistan. It is still being tested, but remains a process which offers hope.
Where do we start? First, countries must overcome the limits of the assumption that terror groups can be defeated with guns and bombs. If this was possible, there would be peace in terror-affected countries by now.

In addition, the no-negotiation attitude by governments should be re-articulated and steered away from the prevalent perception that States are weak if they decide to talk to terror groups.

Second is the question of timing. It is often assumed that dialogue should only be initiated when terror groups are on the defensive.

This is misleading: Governments hardly ever choose to talk when terror groups are on the back foot. In fact, it is at this point that States feel a military triumph is in sight and, therefore, a final blow is all that is needed.

Based on evidence in reality and beyond textbook suggestions, there is really no “perfect” period for dialogue. Governments hardly ever initiate dialogue when terror groups are on the defensive.

A good example is the case of Nigeria when the government announced in late 2015 that Boko Haram was “technically defeated”. Following this, nothing happened – and then there was a resurgence of violence that continues today.

Third, in terms of actors or entities to engage, governments should start with communities affected by terror attacks. Assessing how communities feel about dialogue is essential. Communities also have an in-depth understanding of how these terror groups work.

This would also help identify, among other things, potential third parties.Depending on the local context, a mix of individuals and groups to consult could include militants’ relatives, Islamic clerics, mediation experts, women’s groups, youth organisations, traditional institutions, clan representatives and civil society organisations. Co-ordination and engagement with local actors must be conducted in a way that doesn’t compromise their safety.

Governments should also address the ever-present socio-economic challenges facing communities; this will help to establish trust and sustain engagement. Truth and reconciliation platforms should also be created to facilitate healing in communities.

Fourth, a dedicated commission should be established in affected countries and tasked with developing a communication strategy. Such a commission should involve representatives from affected countries, while maintaining a discreet strategy that is divided into phases of engagement.

Finally, the global community’s contribution must go beyond providing military aid to genuinely supporting the facilitation of talks, or at least endorsing consideration of the idea. Western-backed airstrikes are counter-productive.

External actors can play a more constructive role, but one which will attain more impact if affected African States demonstrate political will and lead the way in establishing and owning the roadmap for this process.

BY Garikai Mafirakureva

Chivi residents are at crossroads with their local authority over what they termed unfair building levies charged by the council-run Madyangove Primary School.

Chivi Rural District Council (RDC) recently levied $21 per child to fund the construction of the new school, which has an enrolment of 1 700 pupils.

Parents and residents are arguing that council should use money from its coffers to fund the project, instead of levying one school to build another in a different location.

“We know that $21 is no longer valuable because of the runaway inflation we are currently experiencing, but we are saying council should learn to fund its projects from its own pocket. It should not burden parents during these trying times, considering that Chivi is the hardest hit area by the ravaging drought,” Johnson Zuvarimwe, a Chivi resident, said.

“This is not the right time to start any project, let alone building a school. It is unfortunate that we no longer have a viable residents association here in Chivi. It would have defended us from the abuse we are currently enduring from council. There is lack of checks and balances and that is why our council is taking us for a ride.”

Tadios Matseketu, a parent whose child recently set for Grade 7 examinations at the school, said he was failing to understand why the school would want a building levy from someone who is leaving the school.

“If they had demanded their building levy at the beginning of the year we would have not complained, but demanding it a week before the Grade 7 pupils write their exams is unacceptable. It will be armtwisting us into submission,” Matseketu said.

Chivi RDC chief executive officer Tariro Matavire, defended the construction of the school saying it would help ease congestion at the only primary school at the growth point.
“We just want to decongest the only school we have. We are going to name it Madyangove B, although the schools will be some distance apart. So we have no choice, but to collect the levy from the existing school,” Matavire said.

“If parents have problems with it they can write a letter to council as a team airing their grievances. This issue has, however, been finalised and others have already agreed to the levy.”

By NQOBANI NDLOVU

THE opposition Zapu party has vowed to go ahead with its planned sit-in at Mpilo Central Hospital and United Bulawayo Hospitals (UBH) nursing school today in protest over unfair enrolment of student nurses.

This comes amid reports that the two institutions recently enrolled trainees from other regions and overlooked applications from the Matabeleland region.

Vice-President Kembo Mohadi and Bulawayo Metropolitan Affairs minister Judith Ncube have also condemned the questionable recruitment, saying it was against government policy.
Yesterday, the Health ministry warned activists and politicians against “unwarranted” visits to hospitals after Zapu activists stormed Mpilo and UBH in protest.

Activists, political actors and other stakeholders from the region have questioned the recruitment processes of trainee nurses at Mpilo and UBH following revelations that the majority were from outside Matabeleland.

Mpilo clinical director Solwayo Ngwenya, who also heads the school of nursing, has been quoted saying the selection process was done in Harare after the introduction of an online nurses’ application platform.

Zapu yesterday said it would stage a sit-in at the two biggest referral hospitals in Bulawyao to protest against the unfair recruitment despite warnings by the Health ministry to stay away from the health institutions.

“When the government has to resort to propaganda to hide their inefficiencies, it is the duty of politicians to go and find out the truth for themselves, therefore, they lack the moral ground from barring politicians from visiting hospitals,” Zapu southern region spokesperson Patrick Ndlovu said.

“We don’t think it’s fair for the lessons to go ahead while this issue is unresolved. Hospitals are not PR [public relations] venues for the First Lady (Auxillia Mnangagwa) to prop up her dubious image.”

Zapu deputy national organising secretary Ndodana Moyo added: “Government must just address this issue instead of threatening political actors, activists and other stakeholders for raising concern over this issue.

“We are going ahead with our intended programme to stop lessons to stop this unfair recruitment. We invite all progressive people of Matabeleland to come in their numbers and correct this anomaly. Zipra [Zimbabwe People’s Revolutionary Army] did it, we will also do it.”

BY PRAISEMORE SITHOLE

A SOUTH AFRICAN economist, Nisha Sewdass, has urged the Zimbabwean authorities to think outside the box and in a disruptive way to rescue the nation from economic rot.
Sewdass made the remarks at the launch of the Zimbabwe National Trade Policy vision and Export Promotion Strategy in Bulawayo on Thursday last week.

The policy was launched at the ZimTrade exporters conference, which was officially opened by President Emmerson Mnangagwa.Sewdass said Zimbabwe needed to urgently devise ways to get itself out of the current economic quagmire.

Sewdass, a professor at the College of Economics and Management Science at the University of South Africa, said businesspeople should engage in disruptive thinking, surprise the market over and over with exciting, unexpected solutions and products or services.

She said according to RMB Investment statistics, Zimbabwe was ranked 34 out of 53 African countries in investment rankings in 2018.

“This is an improvement from 2017 where Zimbabwe was ranked 45 out of 53 marking an improvement with 11 places. In investment rankings, prioritising economic activity, Zimbabwe was ranked 34 out of 53 Africans,” Sewdass said.

She said Zimbabwe, however, had a good reputation and in terms of infrastructure, it was ranked number 20 in Africa, although in ICT development indexes, it was ranked number 136 out of 176 worldwide.

“According to the global competitiveness index 2017/18, Zimbabwe was ranked 124 out of 137 countries. In goods market efficiency, it was ranked 131 out 137 countries, imports percent GDP [gross domestic product] 87 out of 137, exports GDP 97 out of 137, technological readiness 121 out of 137 and in capacity for innovation it was 90 out of 137,” the South African economist added.

She also noted that South Africa remained the largest market for Zimbabwean products, taking 52% of the total exports.

“What if the President of South Africa Cyril Ramaphosa finds cheaper markets elsewhere, what will you do when they start exporting somewhere cheaper? I urge you to diversify,” she added.

“United Arab Emirates takes 18% of the market share; other markets include Mozambique (10%), Zambia (1%), China (1%) and Botswana (1%).

“In 1992, Zimbabwe export market risk was evenly spread across the globe, most export markets were in developed countries. In 2017, South Africa (63%) was now Zimbabwe’s dominant export destination, therefore, there is no spread of risk at all,” Sewdass said.

She added that large import bill on manufactured products, export of jobs and low export earnings, export of raw materials meant that there was no development in the country’s manufacturing sector.

Sewdass warned that mineral resources are finite and continual extraction leads to depletion.
She also urged businesspeople to digitise agriculture through the use of drones as they integrated drone imagery with other data sources to develop and disseminate customised farmer advice.

Sewdass also said such technology had proved effective in Australia, Kenya and Tanzania, among others.

BY VENERANDA LANGA/NUNURAI JENA

GOVERNMENT has been urged to craft innovative and sustainable healthcare financing policies and protect the poor and vulnerable groups through implementing a comprehensive national health financial strategy.

Community Working Group on Health (CWGH) executive director Itai Rusike said this in his 2020 CWGH national health strategy budget paper.

Rusike noted that Zimbabwe’s health sector was grossly underfunded compared to neighbouring countries in the Sadc region to the extent that government in 2019 spent US$41 per capita (per person) on health, which is grossly inadequate.

“Government spends a relatively small share of its gross domestic product (GDP) on health care and the lower levels of per capita health expenditure indicate that health expenditure in the country is insufficient to guarantee adequate access and quality of healthcare,” Rusike said.

“Per capita health allocation stands at about US$41 in 2019 up from US$31 in 2018, while per capita health spending is US$650 in South Africa, US$90 in Zambia and US$200 in Angola, and the inadequate public financing of health has resulted in an overreliance on out-of-pocket and external financing, which is highly unsustainable,” he said.

With the prolonged strike of medical doctors at Zimbabwe’s health institutions, poor people are the worst affected because they can not access medical treatment from private institutions.

Rusike said what made the country’s health situation worse was the fact that most of the health financing was donor sourced, which is unsustainable.

“Development partners are expected to complement the 2019 budget appropriations. The Global Fund, for instance, is expected to provide US$75 million. The high dependency on external financing is unreliable, unpredictable, unsustainable and highly dependent on the political environment, raising concerns on the sustainability of health financing and the vulnerability of government’s budget should external funding be withdrawn,” CWGH director said.

Rusike said the main sources of health financing in Zimbabwe are employers (28,4%), followed by households (25%), external financing (24,9%) and government at the lowest at (21,4%).

“There is an over-reliance on out-of-pocket and external financing. Out-of-pocket payments by households have driven many households deeper into poverty. The high dependency on external financing is unreliable, unpredictable, unsustainable and highly dependent on the political environment, raising concerns on the sustainability of health financing institutions and the vulnerability of government’s budget should external funding be withdrawn,” he said.

Rusike said donor funding was dwindling owing to global economic constraints, and, therefore, government must respect the Abuja Treaty requirements that health should get at least 15% of the National Budget.

He said high out-of-pocket spending in health has turned many households poor.“The free user-fee policy for pregnant women, under-fives and those aged 65 years and above has not been backed by resources and has resulted in over-crowding at the tertiary institutions. Moreover, the blanket cover does not look at ability to pay,” he said.

Rusike adjudged the health situation in the country as currently in a critical situation due to macroeconomic instability.“Public health sector allocation stood at 8,9% in 2019. Employment costs, however, constitute 66% of the total health budget. The Abuja 15% target remains an elusive target for the country. The sub-Saharan African average is 13%. As of 2015, Rwanda was spending at least 23% of its budget on health care,” he said.

On shortages of health personnel, Rusike said high drop-out rates in public sector health care posts have resulted in vacancy rates of over 50% for doctors, midwives, laboratory and environmental health staff, exacerbated by the fact that Zimbabwe’s nurses’ establishment was last reviewed in 1983 yet the population has increased significantly.

Meanwhile, acting general treasurer of Zimbabwe Hospitals Doctors’ Association Peter Mungofa said most doctors were now considering job opportunities in other countries as government has failed to meet their demands.

“Nothing has changed despite President (Emmerson) Mnangagwa’s chilling threats. What has changed is that doctors are enquiring about going to work outside the country and our fear is that very few doctors will remain in the country,” Mungofa said.

Mungofa said they were shocked by Mnangagwa’s threats when they thought he was going to resolve the issue of salaries and doctors’ conditions of service.

BY winstone antonio

ORGANISERS of the biggest braai event, the Castle Lager National Braai Fest last week unveiled a star-studded line-up of top local entertainers, who are set to add the sparkle at the two-day event set for this Friday and Saturday at Old Hararians Sports Club in Harare.

The popular and strictly no-under-18 fest funded by Delta Beverages through their Castle Lager brand makes a return after it was cancelled last year, following an outbreak of cholera.

Dancehall chanter Killer T and urban groover EXQ will open the festival, taking turns to entertain merrymakers alongside wheelspinners DJ Starvo, Raydizz, Legendary Sounds, Merciless Zimbabwe and Silence Dosh.

The programme of the opening day, according to the fest organisers, will kick-off at 4pm to pave way for other scheduled national events on the same day.

The heat will be turned up on the final day of the fest when dancehall president Winky D shares the stage with fellow chanter Freeman and hip-hop sensation Takura, while Judgment Yard, DJ Storm, Gary B and emcee Templeman, DJ Mbale and DJ Cesh, among others will be rocking it on the decks.

Speaking at the Castle Braai Day internal launch on Friday, Delta Beverages acting general manager Stanley Muchenje said they will be pomp and funfair for meat, beer and music lovers at the fest.

“The concept of this year was a bit different from the usual. You would know that we normally just run one day, but this time around we took it to a number of the key cities in the country so we started with Kadoma, then we went to Chinhoyi, Mutare, Gweru, Bulawayo and Masvingo,” he said.

“It has been running and it will run until we go to the (final Friday and Saturday event). While we have started here, at source, at home with this function today (Friday) we are also not saying you are not invited we want to see you all on Saturday. We are making plans so that every department gets their entry tickets to come and join us.”

In a recent statement, Delta corporate affairs executive, Patricia Murambinda said: “We are calling all braai patrons of all popular braai spot areas in and around Harare to come and enjoy their favourite braai at Old Hararians Sports Club on October 25 and 26.”

“Castle Lager, as the flagship lager beer brand for Delta Beverages, is giving all braai lovers a platform to come together and set their own record braaing, enjoy their favourite lager while listening to good music. We have doubled the fun and doubled activities for our consumers of Castle lager and the event is now bigger, better and we promise a lot of excitement.”

Delta Beverages has been running the festival through their Castle Lager brand since 2016, with the inaugural edition setting a record, where over 12 000kg of meat were consumed in one day.

The second edition of the braai fest, held in 2017, saw a staggering 15 000kg of meat going on the braai stands with proceeds from the event being channelled towards charity.

NewsDay

JOHANNESBURG — Cassper has reflected on his struggles during the come-up, detailing how he was evicted from his flat and had to move in with a friend on the sly.

The rapper has always been candid about his broke days and in a birthday shout-out told a story about being kicked out of his place because he couldn’t afford the rent.
“If you’re a true fan, you would know this story. About 10 years ago I was evicted from my flat because I couldn’t pay rent.”

He said he told a friend, Nissy, about his situation and she offered to let him move in with her … on the low.

“I was busy crying telling my friend what was happening in my life and she immediately says ‘no man, speesh’, as she would call me, ‘don’t cry my brother, come move in with me until you find your feet’. She did this without her father’s knowledge even though he was paying for the flat so we would have to hide it from him every time he would visit, for about a year.”

He said they managed to keep it a secret by locking Cassper’s room. It got so intense that people even thought they were dating.

“The other bedroom would be locked so he doesn’t notice. She did this out of the goodness of her heart because she loved me and believed in my dream. We became so close that people thought we were dating.

“Not once has she ever reminded me of what she did for me, but when I hear her name, I feel like crying because she saved my life and my career as she would always gas me up saying you’re the greatest bro, one day they will know.”

Tapiwa Gomo

The debate on sanctions imposed by the United States is once again hogging the limelight and polarising the nation. Sanctions under the Zimbabwe Democracy and Economic Recovery Act (Zidera) is an Act passed by the US Congress which imposed economic sanctions on Zimbabwe, allegedly to provide for a transition to democracy and to promote economic recover.

The passing of the Act was a culmination of various and emerging political conditions between 1999 and 2001 in Zimbabwe which included, among others, political violence, violations of human rights and a complete disregard for global norms of governance.

Contrary to the narrative being spread by the government that the sanctions must be lifted as they are hurting ordinary people, the US government has perpetually argued that they are targeted, which means they only apply to the entities and individuals on the list of sanctions related to Zimbabwe.

Against a blitz of public relations, diplomatic engagement and lobbying by the Government of Zimbabwe, in March this year, US President Donald Trump extended the sanctions by another year arguing that “President Emmerson Mnangagwa has yet to implement the political and economic overhaul required to improve the country’s reputation with the community of nations, and with the United States.”

This has not discouraged the Zimbabwe government, who have used every opportunity to remind the world that the US must lift its sanctions on Zimbabwe. They mobilised some Sadc countries to call for the removal of sanctions at the 74th United Nations General Assembly in New York in September this year. The regional body has agreed to declare October 25 a day to campaign against the same sanctions.

Where is the conundrum? The conditions that necessitated the introduction of the sanctions have not improved with some arguing that the situation has actually deteriorated, a situation which is working against government efforts to get the sanctions lifted.

“The actions of the targeted individuals continue to undermine Zimbabwe’s democratic processes,” noted a statement by the US government in March this year.

Another puzzle is that the US government’s argument that the sanctions are targeted is porous because they are stifling the ability of government officials on the targeted sanction list to do business with the US and its wider global network of corporates and institutions.

For that reason, the government of Zimbabwe has argued that sanctions are hurting ordinary citizens. It is both a farfetched and convoluted argument.

Nonetheless, both governments of the US and Zimbabwe — in their recriminations — concur that ordinary citizens are vulnerable and being hurt by the policies and actions of the other and not theirs hence the reluctance to yield. In fact, each of them view their actions — sanctions or their lifting — as an attempt to help Zimbabweans.

And yet on the ground, as the nearly two-decade stand-off persist, Zimbabweans’ destitution continue to deepen. A nation is caught between a hard rock and a hard surface.

Several explanations and arguments have been thrown around. While not denying that sanctions at minimum disrupt a country’s ability to progress, they are not the main reason Zimbabwe is where it is today. The country is where it is today because of obscene corruption, mismanagement and poor governance.

Take for example, the year 2006 witnessed a mineral rush to Chiadzwa in Marange district where diamond reserves in that area were thought to be one of the world’s richest deposits. Billions of dollars in diamonds were siphoned out of the country from the hugely prolific fields regarded by some experts as the world’s biggest diamond find in carats in more than a century. The Marange field was, at the time, regarded as the largest diamond producing project in the world, estimated to have produced 16,9 million carats in 2013 alone, or 13% of global rough diamond supply.

Sanctions did not impede the siphoning and trade of the Marange diamonds at all to any part of the world until early this month when the US government banned trading of diamonds from Zimbabwe. The country is expected to produce 4,1 million carats of diamonds this year, up from 2,8 million carats in 2018.

At the peak of production, the earnings from just one mine — the Marange fields — would have transformed the whole country. But no. It leaked via obscene corruption, mismanagement and poor governance. If it were not for these, that money too would have helped circumvent the effects of sanctions and the sanctions story would have been irrelevant to our lives today.

The country would have boosted its industry, collected taxes from a thriving industry, sustained basic services, paid civil servants well and ensured that unemployed youth do not spend their time demonstrating in the streets. Our leaders would be sleeping peacefully with the knowledge of a thriving economy — just like Botswana whose economy is largely sustained by diamonds.

While sanctions are not condoned, there is zero guarantee that if they are lifted, they will result in any meaningful improvement in the lives of ordinary people because the Marange situation typifies the character of the rot that has destroyed our country. The insincerity is evident in government’s approach to push the US to lift sanctions. Instead of seeking to address the issues raised by another sovereign country, the US in this case, before re-engage them, the Zimbabwe government has chosen a political route to arm-twist the minds of the US leadership to lift the sanctions.

The US is a sovereign country that enjoys the right to choose who to engage with and the fact that they have chosen not to deal with Zimbabwe should surely not be the end of the world.