IT can only happen in Africa; and it is, indeed, such a shame that the continent has become world famous and synonymous with leaders who are so crass that they will walk with a swagger while their noses point to the sky when their economies are a shambles.

NewsDay Comment

It is, indeed, only in Africa where failed leaders will kill to defend their blatant failures. And, indeed, it is very sad that amid all this mess there are cheerleaders busy ululating and applauding the disastrous mediocrity.

A case in point is the fact that the Zimbabwe dollar has plunged 85% since it was reintroduced as legal tender exactly a decade after it was shunted out of circulation by brutal hyperinflation which officially topped 500 billion percent by December 2008.

As if eternally cursed, the reintroduced local currency is again being mauled daily and increasingly proving useless against other major currencies.

If this were somewhere else where leaders care much about their personal reputations some would have resigned in the wake of such a disaster. Honestly, how can someone who, some 10 months ago, was so confident about the currency weathering the storm still be in office? Midway through the year those who birthed the Zimdollar suddenly decided to stop telling us the rate of annual inflation, ostensibly to help build confidence in the trouble currency. But everything point to the fact that the attempt was a dismal failure. Period!

A more than 500% loss in value of any currency is simply catastrophic and so shocking that it should send someone’s blood pressure to hyper levels. But this is Zimbabwe, which happens to be in Africa, where the strangest of things have become so commonplace that an economic disaster is now being accepted as the norm. If this is yet another new norm for the southern African nation, then little wonder millions have been fleeing into self-imposed exile.

Under such circumstances it is very difficult for anyone in their senses to continue having hope when all the fundamentals that should be raising confidence are absent.

If the people, who reintroduced the Zimdollar back in February assertively telling us that the currency would hold its own, are still insisting that the currency will rise from the intensive care unit, then God, Allah and all the gods help us. We hope and pray that we will be proved wrong in our lifetime.

Cash-strapped budget airline fastjet plc says it is in talks to sell its Zimbabwean unit to a consortium led by its major shareholder Solenta Aviation for $8 million, a deal that it says is necessary to keep its planes in the air.

fastjet said if the restructuring plans do not pan out by the end of February, it would not be able to continue trading as a going concern.

On October 21, fastjet announced it had closed its Mozambique unit amid “ongoing supply and demand challenges”.

The company in November also halted its operations in Tanzania.

fastjet Zimbabwe increased its year-on-year revenue in US dollar terms despite the devaluation of the new currency, which the company says has brought volatility and uncertainty in the Zimbabwean market.

“fastjet Zimbabwe has increased its year-on-year revenue despite the difficult trading conditions following the introduction of a new currency which effectively devalued the existing currency by up to 15 times its previous value at official rates and has pushed inflation rates to above 200%,” fastjet said in a notice on Wednesday.

To continue to operate in its current state, the airline says it needs new funding by the end of February 2020.

It has started talks with 60% shareholder Solenta, based in South Africa, to explore options including raising equity capital and restructuring the company including the disposal of fastjet Zimbabwe.

Debt relief

The disposal would relieve the airline of US$5,4 million in current liabilities and will provide US$3,2 million for future capital expenditure.

The capital received from the disposal would be used to settle remaining debts and be contributed towards future working capital within the group providing sufficient funding into 2021.
The restructured group will turn into a franchise company whose business will be holding the brand and providing airline management solutions.

“This revised strategy allows the group the opportunity to create a single fastjet brand throughout key markets in Africa, leverage its key intellectual property and airline management solutions and invest in viable, already-established airlines where it can,” fastjet CEO Mark Hurst said.

Under the proposed disposal, fastjet will be granted an option to buy back its shareholding in fastjet Zimbabwe on the same terms as it was sold, three to five years after the effective date of the sale.

With its units in Mozambique and Tanzania shut down, fastjet expects a loss-after-tax of US$7 million to US$8 million for the full year 2019.

The company made a loss of US$65 million in 2018.

As at June, Zimbabwe owed US$196 million to international airlines in unremitted ticket sales, prompting the International Air Transport Association (IATA) to warm President Emmerson Mnangagwa that the debt could force operators to reduce flights into the country.

Zimbabwe has since allowed airlines to ticket in forex to stop the debt from growing and to speed up repayments.

In total, according to IATA, African countries owed US$413 million to airlines.

Apart from Zimbabwe, other African countries withholding significant airline funds were Ethiopia, Sudan, Algeria, Angola and Eritrea.

REGISTRAR-GENERAL Clemence Masango is claiming $3,5 million in defamation damages from a Harare man who allegedly called him a corrupt government official.

BY CHARLES LAITON

Masango recently issued summons against Godwin Gumisai Mureriwa accusing him of having defamed him on September 19 this year in front of staff at Harare Central Registry.

In his declaration, quoting Mureriwa, Masango said: “Plaintiff (Masango) is corrupt and habitually abuses his office by allocating emergency passports to his relatives while prejudicing deserving applicants of a timely service and such conduct is deliberately calculated by plaintiff to sabotage the government’s economic turnaround effort and that applicant has and continues to have illegal and unfettered access to the confidential records lodged in the national registry”.

Masango said Mureriwa’s statements were wrong, defamatory, false and were intended to be understood by those present, when they were uttered, to mean that he (Masango) was corrupt, unpatriotic, incompetent, a saboteur and not a law abiding citizen who lacks moral fibre.

“The said statements were motivated by malice and were intended to defame plaintiff and injure his reputation, lowering him in the estimation of his subordinates, his employer, his family, ordinary reasonable persons, exposing him to public ridicule and contempt in his professional and personal capacity,” Masango said.

“Plaintiff was subjected to great defamation and embarrassment by the said utterances and was damaged in his reputation inter alia, as the Registrar General, a civil servant and citizen of Zimbabwe. As a result of defendant’s defamation, plaintiff has been damaged in his reputation and has suffered damages in the sum of $3,5 million.”

Mureriwa is yet to file his response to the claim.

A new writing award — The Lozikeyi Writing Prize — that focuses on developing the skills of high school girls in Zimbabwe has been launched with the winners ceremony set for January 15 next year in the capital.

BY SHARON SIBINDI

The award is being sponsored by Voices for Women Worldwide in partnership with South African/Australian philanthropist and women’s issues advocate Sharon Mather and administered by acclaimed author, poet, playwright and filmmaker Philani Nyoni.

Nyoni recently told NewsDay Life & Style that the Lozikeyi Writing Prize is the first national writing contest with focus on high school students, especially the girl child.

“Statistics prove that when women are afforded the opportunity to write they often outdo their male counterparts. Consider the literary history of Bulawayo alone can hold a candle to Yvonne Vera, No Violet Bulawayo and most recently Novuyo Rosa Tshuma. From that perspective we can be easily accused of attacking what is weak, yet all things must start somewhere,” he said.

Nyoni said entrants must be high school students or of school-going age, defined by the rules as being between 13 and 18 years.

“Each piece of writing must be the original work of the submitter, who must be of Zimbabwean nationality or studying in Zimbabwe, either a registered secondary or high school students between the ages of 13 and 18,” he said.

“We have streamlined the entire process to the website to have a one-stop shop for submissions and everything to do with the prize. We do acknowledge that our formula negates remote areas without computers or Internet access, but that is a cross we must bear and somehow extricate ourselves from as the vision and mission progresses.”

Nyoni said they have received tremendous support from the writing community and advice from people like Lizzy Atree, the former director of the Caine Prize for African writing who has helped set-up literary contests across the continent.

“We had strong reasons and advice to start small, preferably regional to test out our formula and make full use of our limited resources, but as the vision grew bigger we realised we had little time to tiptoe,” he said.

THE two-day Cultural and Creative Industries (CCIs) conference kicks off today at the Rainbow Hotel with President Emmerson Mnangagwa and First Lady Auxillia expected to officiate at the event.

BY SHARON SIBINDI

The indaba, which will be held under the theme, Leveraging Arts, Culture and Heritage for Enhanced Productivity, Job Creation and Economic Growth, is a follow-up to a stakeholders consultation workshop held in Harare last month under the auspices of the Youth, Sport, Arts and Recreation ministry.

The conference is also meant to enable participants to explore themes of culture-led urban regeneration, intellectual property rights and expansion of market linkages.

A letter from one of the organisers, Saimon Mambazo Phiri seen by NewsDay Life & Style, states that the conference seeks to export opportunities of Zimbabwean art content, regionally and internationally.

“One of the expected outcomes of the conference is the creation of a time-bound matrix that informs ministries, departments, agencies and other stakeholders to deliver on specific action points in a time-bound manner,” read part of the letter.

Recently, one of the organisers, Sarah Mpofu-Sibanda, said the conference theme was aligned with the 2020 national budget theme and their hope was that interacting with the President would have a positive impact on the industry.

Another indaba to come up with comprehensive solutions to the challenges faced by the creatives will be held in Harare next year.

South African rap star Nasty C said he felt appreciated and embraced during his three-day motivational tour of local schools as part of efforts to promote his Ivyson tour set for December 21 at Pabloz VIP car park in Harare.

BY WINSTONE ANTONIO

The Mzansi singer who left the country yesterday had a glamorous farewell at Pabloz VIP Lounge on Wednesday night after the success of the tour.

The 22-year-old singer was in the country since last week Sunday at the invitation of his local “brother in music” rapper King 98, with whom he will share the stage at the concert.

In his address to the media before his departure, the elated Nasty C saluted his local fans whom he described as loving and caring.

“The feedback (of visiting schools) was crazy and dope something that I did not expect to get, such a reception in another country. It was dope I really appreciate,” he said.

As a word of advice to local up-and-coming artistes, Nasty C said; “They (artistes) must keep working hard and making good music, stay tuned to what you love and don’t let people change your minds, stay true to yourself do what you love most.”

Nasty C said his forthcoming album, Zulu Man With Some Power, will be a follow up to Strings and Bling and was a creative production that will include some personal songs adding that the album will be of African sound.”

As part of his familiarisation tour, Nasty C alongside King 98 and Enzo Ishall visited a number of schools such as Roosevelt Girls High, Conway College, Gateway School, St John’s High School, Heritage School, Dominican Convent, Prince Edward, Vainona High School and George Stuck in Mbare.

The third edition of the Ivyson tour that kicked off at The River Club, Cape Town, South Africa on September 20 saw King 98, among other top stars sharing the stage with Nasty C in different countries across the continent.

In Harare, Nasty C will share the stage with King 98, Malawi-born singer Gemini Major and Tellerman, Rowlene, Stunner, Takura, Shashl, Union 5, DJ Silence Dosh and T Gonzi.

Proceeds from the concert will be channelled towards charity with Alfred Dondo Foundation being the beneficiary.

As Zimbabwe remembers the second anniversary of the ”resignation” of long-time dictator Robert Gabriel Mugabe on November 21, 2017 — marking the end of his 37-year reign of terror — it is shocking how easily and quickly history has been distorted in order to fit a deceptive narrative that seeks to portray events that captured the entire world for those two weeks.

What a blatant lie!

The events of November 2017 in Zimbabwe were nothing in the mould of the so-called ”Arab Spring” wave that swept through north Africa and parts of the Middle East in 2011 — since these were certainly people-driven revolutions, that led to the removal of iron-fisted despots, which is in stark contrast to the military coup d’etat that was witnessed in the southern African country.

History is a critical and pivotal part of any person, family, society, tribe, race, religion, and nation — and as such, is a foundation that should never be tampered with, or altered, to serve a narrow and myopic self-serving agenda. Thus, any history’s authenticity should be guided jealously. This should also apply to the events that shook the nation of Zimbabwe — and the world — in November 2017, as these were a far cry from the bastardised narrative being peddled by mostly regime agents and, unfortunately, some amongst the ordinary people.

History is usually based on irrefutable facts, and those who deliberately seek to misrepresent such facts are those with a dubious and sinister motive — mostly for self-serving and perverted causes.
Such perfectly applies to Zimbabwean authorities who have over the past two years sought to disguise an unquestionable military coup d’etat as a popular revolution — possibly in an effort to attain both local and international acceptance for something that is generally frowned upon.
For a more precise and logical understanding of what truly transpired in 2017, there is no better and clearer evidence that a timeline of events of those critical two weeks of November.

As is now common knowledge, there had been openly vicious, bruising and even brutal factional fighting within the ruling Zanu PF party for several years (all vying to replace the ailing and nonagenarian leader) before the coup d’etat — that witnessed the unceremonious sacking of vice president Joice Teurai Ropa Mujuru on 9 December 2014 (as well as her Gamatox faction allies), just before the crucial December party congress, which led to the ascendency of Emmerson Dambudzo Mnangagwa as her successor — at the instigation of the then First Lady Grace.

Then Grace upped the ante, turning against her former ally, Mnangagwa, culminating in the concerted purging of the vice president’s Lacoste faction allies (who were generally of the Karanga tribe, as well as veterans of the liberation struggle) — the most brazenly crushing events occurring in August 2017, with clashes between the police (believed to be aligned to Grace and her G40 faction) and soldiers (aligned to Mnangagwa) in the capital Harare.

On the 12th of the same month, Mnangagwa was allegedly poisoned during a Zanu PF Presidential Youth Interface Rally in Gwanda, widely suspected to have been the result of the factional fighting — although the whole poisoning claim was later reportedly disproved by a senior intelligence official, who claimed that it had been faked.

Nonetheless, these events only served to intensify the acrimonious relationship between the two factions — characterised by frequent openly-traded insults, albeit, being mainly one-sided (Grace being the perpetrator) — the climax being the popular booing of the former First Lady at another rally at Bulawayo’s White City Stadium on November 4 — something that thoroughly enraged Mugabe leading him to sack his deputy, and long-time protégé, two days later. Henceforth, this is where the timeline of events has to be unequivocally comprehended and appreciated — as this is where those who have sought to distort history have trampled the facts.

On November 8, the sacked Mnangagwa fled the country into South Africa, after which a statement, allegedly penned by him, was issued to the effect that he would soon return to take over the reigns of power.

A few days later, on November 13, of the then commander of the Zimbabawe Defence Forces (ZDF) Constatino Guveya Chiwenga — flanked by other military generals — appeared in international media (as the local State broadcaster, true to its nature, serving only those currently in power, had ignored the press briefing) — warning Mugabe to end purges in the ruling Zanu PF, saying that the military could intervene to stop all those bent on hijacking the revolution and causing instability in the party.

At this juncture, it is most important to note that this statement was very telling of the true intentions of the impeding coup d’etat — it had everything to do with Zanu PF internal politics, and absolutely nothing to do with the welfare and wellbeing of the ordinary people of Zimbabwe.
Only 24 hours after issuing that grave statement, on 14 November military tanks were reportedly spotted rolling into the capital Harare — a strangely unusual occurrence, that swiftly raised suspicions that, true to the generals’ warning, a military coup d’etat was underway.

Indeed, this suspicion was confirmed early the following morning, when Zimbabweans, and the world, woke up only to be greeted by images on the State broadcaster under the control of the military — repeatedly beaming a statement to the effect that the military had decided to intervene by “targeting criminals around the then president who were committing crimes that were causing social and economic suffering in the country in order to bring them to justice”.
The military broadcast also sought to assure viewers that the “head of State, and commander-in-chief of the Zimbabwe Defence Forces, President Mugabe and his family were safe”.

Of course, the tone of the military intervention had strangely suddenly changed from only 48 hours earlier, when the stated aim of a possible military intevention had been purely as a result of ‘purging, and instability’ within Zanu PF, by forces ‘bent on hijacking the revolution’ – as witnessed by previous months’ mass sacking of mostly veterans of the liberation struggle.

This also explains the operational name given to the military intervention – ‘Operation Restore Legacy – since the main objective was to resist the purging the veterans of the liberation struggle, and the ‘danger’ of their legacy being wiped away.

As such, in stark contrast to the statement issued on 15 November on the state broadcaster – which suddenly sought to broaden the intevention as a national cause – the real motivate for the coup d’etat was purely internal Zanu PF factional fighting.

On this same day, international media said that the then South African president Jacob Zuma had spoken to Mugabe, who confirmed that he was under house arrest.

Here, another key note needs to be highlighted – the ordinary people of Zimbabwe were not involved at all. They were merely spectators – watching, with uncertainty, mainly via international news, as there was a virtual blackout of these unfolding events in all local state media.

In other words, as the coup d’etat was effectively now well underway, Zimbabwean citizenry had played absolutely no role.

The subsequent events – most notably, the 18 November liberation war veterans’ call for mass marches in Harare to demand for Mugabe’s resignation, had no significant impact on events, as the then president was clearly already under siege, and his future squarely in the military’s hands – despite people heeding the call, and turning out in their thousands.

These mass marches were clearly formulated by those behind the coup d’etat to deceive the international community into believing that the military intervention was solely an answer to the people’s demands – however, the chronology had been thoroughly messed up, as events were now well ahead of the purported ‘voice of the people’.

It was most shameful and unfortunate that so many people – including the opposition Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) – agreed to be part of this charade, and manipulated for a Zanu PF factional fighting cause.

Similarly, in spite of a 19 November Zanu PF emergency meeting to discuss demands for Mugabe to resign or face impeachment, this was also merely windowdressing – again, portraying a facade of democratic processes at work – yet, his fate was already as good as sealed, considering that he was in the hands of the military.

Additionally, Mugabe’s 17 November officiating at the Zimbabwe Open University (ZOU) graduation ceremony was designed for the same purpose of attempting at give an impression that he was a free man, and under no military duress, whatsoever, to step down.

Nonetheless, the coup de gràce came on 21 November, when Mugabe’s resignation was announced to conveniently coincide with a special sitting of the Parliament of Zimbabwe, at the Harare Conference Centre, to impeach him – again, as a portrayal of democratic processes in the works.

No matter what truly transpired behind closed doors between the military and Mugabe, leading to his resignation, the facts still remain that ordinary Zimbabweans’ mass marches on 18 November – five days after military generals issued their warning to him, four days after the military took over the nation and placed him under house arrest, and three days after the military announced their intervention on state media – one thing is unequivocally clear – ordinary Zimbabweans played no role whatsoever in the removal of Mugabe.

Whether people had gone onto the streets en masse, or not – that would have not changed anything, as Mugabe’s fate had already been sealed.

History is stubborn and can never be distorted, as any such malicious attempts will sooner or later be exposed.

This was not, by any stretch of the imagination, ‘the voice of the people’, nor was it a ‘people’s revolution’ – but, purely, unreservedly, and unquestionably a military coup d’etat – that had absolutely nothing to with ordinary Zimbabweans, but power politics within the ruling Zanu PF party.

No one, in both the local and international community should ever be deceived.

Is it then any wonder that the welfare and wellbeing of the people of Zimbabwe has never changed for the better, but has, in fact, drastically deteriorated?

● Please feel free to WhatsApp/call: +263733399640, or + 263715667700, or calls only: +263782283975, or email: mbofana.tendairuben73@gmail.com.

 Tendai Ruben Mbofana is a social justice activist, writer, author, and speaker. He can be contacted mbofana.tendairuben73@gmail.com.

FORMER Nigerian President Olusegun Obasanjo and the South Africa-based Oppenheimer family yesterday met President Emmerson Mnangagwa, amid growing concern over political instability which is threatening investment in the country.

BY BLESSED MHLANGA

The Nigerian statesman, who is also a close friend of MDC vice-president Tendai Biti, said his meeting with Mnangagwa discussed issues to do with political stability and predictability, which was central and key to investment.

“Of course, as you know, political stability and security and predictability are the conditions for healthy economic development and investment, both foreign and domestic,” he said.

“We cannot be talking of development and progress without talking about all the things that must do with the political stability, security, predictability and all the aspects of fundamental basic things that must be the conditions of investment and thriving economy.”

In 2005, the government moved to seize vast tracts of land owned by the Oppenheimers, a wealthy family which, among their portfolios, is the famous diamond company, De Beers.

The roping in of Obasanjo, who arrived in the Oppenheimers’ private jet yesterday morning, raised speculation that he was brooking a safety net and protection of their business interests in the country, among them ranches.

Obasanjo, however, said the Oppenheimers were not really concerned over their investments, but instead, were looking for new investment opportunities.

“And then I also have along with me some people who have interest in investment here in Zimbabwe and that is also part of what we have come for, because you cannot talk of development of a country without investment, domestic investment and foreign investment,” he said.

Former De Beers chairperson, Nick Oppenheimer, could not immediately commit to new investments in the country, preferring to say the future would tell.

“It’s too early, the future will tell, but I would like to make an investment in Zimbabwe, I am a good friend of Zimbabwe,” he said.

Public Service, Labour and Social Welfare minister Paul Mavima yesterday said inequalities faced by persons living with disabilities (PLWDs) are set to be addressed through the national disability policy to be formulated soon.

By Ruvimbo Muchenje

Speaking during the launch of national consultations for the draft national disability policy in Harare, Mavima said government was of the view that issues affecting PLWDs were best told by them.

“We do not believe in hearing about the needs and concerns of persons with disability through hearsay or through third parties, but we seek to create platforms upon which the direct voice of persons with disabilities can be heard, hence the consultations,” he said.

The consultations will run throughout the country from December to mid-February next year.

Mavima said the consultations were informed by the constant exclusion of this marginalised group and this was an opportunity for them to have a policy that speaks to their needs.

“Our target is to consult primarily with persons with disabilities who are key to the two documents. This is a way of upholding the mantra of nothing about us without us,” he said.
The drafts have already been sent out to constituencies and stakeholders are awaiting their respective consultation dates to contribute to the policy.

This is the first time Zimbabwe has sought to have a policy on disability which will nullify outdated statutes.

Unicef country representative, Laylee Moshiri, said: “From the onset, as Unicef and the wider United Nations family, we feel honoured to have been invited to support the government to formulate a national disability policy for Zimbabwe, which is a first for Zimbabwe.”

GOVERNMENT has reversed its decision to fire 445 doctors and also froze all pending disciplinary cases against both junior and senior doctors if they agree to return to work within two days following a deal brokered by Catholic bishops.

BY BLESSED MHLANGA

However, the bishops failed to end the impasse between President Emmerson Mnangagwa and MDC leader, Nelson Chamisa, over talks to resolve the political and economic crisis in the country.

Roman Catholic Church Archbishop of Harare, Robert Christopher Ndlovu, after a two-hour-long meeting with Mnangagwa and his two deputies, Constantino Chiwenga and Kembo Mohadi, said the issue of the striking doctors topped the agenda.

“We discussed a lot about the issue of doctors, the striking doctors and what we managed to extract from the government was that they agreed that they can give a moratorium of two days for doctors to report back to work without having to reapply. At least they gave them two days and don’t need to re-apply as had been decided by Cabinet,” he said.

But government and the doctors have not yet reached an agreement, which led the health workers to down tools in the first place.

Bishops also engaged Mnangagwa on the economy and tried to nudge him to dialogue with Chamisa.
Ndlovu said the meeting could not yield any change because Mnangagwa has maintained his stance.
“I don’t think there has been any change. I think, of course, the President is still committed to dialogue. He says what is important is that they all come together. It’s not a question of him and them or Zanu PF and MDC, but all the political players,” the cleric said.

“He says he is still open to that, that is what he said. He said he is still open to dialogue with anyone, including the leader of the MDC. It’s an engagement and we committed to say in future, we shall continue to talk to each other. I think it’s a process.”

The MDC has refused to join the Mnangagwa-initiated Political Actors Dialogue, saying it is a choir of people agreeing with each other and had no capacity to deliver real change.

Chamisa wants Zanu PF and the MDC to meet separately and discuss legitimacy issues arising from the contested 2018 presidential elections.

He has also demanded that the talks be chaired by an independent mediator.

Mnangagwa confirmed that government was going to allow doctors to come back to work despite firing them over the past few weeks.

“We found it fruitful, the contribution by the bishops council who came to meet us. Then they requested for a moratorium on the question of doctors for two days. That, we can offer, a moratorium for two days for the doctors who have been dismissed to come back and join without application. Just come back to work and we have granted the request,” he said, adding that the Catholic Bishops Conference had requested the meeting to discuss the economy, but did not delve into detail.

“The Bishops sent us a pastoral letter of issues they were raising across the board and asking to meet as the leadership,” Mnangagwa said.

“We acceded to their request and we have discussed. I think the major areas which we covered was the area of the health sector and national health delivery, economic situation and social conditions of the people in the country, political situation and the role and relations of political parties and national dialogue and last government, churches civil society interaction.

So we covered all those areas.”