By Tapiwa Zivira

Just 14 days into the year 2019, Zimbabweans woke up to what was planned as a national shutdown to protest the 150% fuel price hike announced by President Emmerson Mnangagwa a day earlier.

The hike, the only major of its kind in nearly a decade, came on the back of crippling fuel shortages that had gone on for three months, spurred on by shortages of US dollars and basic commodities, all pointing to a worsening economic crisis.

Initially, the shutdown — meant to run for a week — looked like just another ordinary protest that would die on its first day.

In Harare, the protests escalated during the day, mostly concentrated in low class suburbs, and soon spread into other towns, notably Bulawayo, Gweru, Kwekwe and Mutare.

The security forces comprising the police, soldiers and members of the intelligence launched a response that involved raiding the homes of some residents and indiscriminate beating and shooting of civilians.

The Zimbabwe Association of Doctors for Human Rights (ZADHR) stated that 172 people had been injured, 68 of which were treated for gunshot wounds.

Between 14 and 17 January, 12 people were killed, over 200 injured and over 600 were arrested, and the internet was shut down for two days as the State brutally cracked down on civilians in what was a dark beginning to the year 2019.

This was the year government started off with lofty promises that the economy would stabilise and Zimbabwe would be back on the road to recovery.

With Finance minister Mthuli Ncube in charge of the Treasury, having been installed in October of the previous year, Mnangagwa oozed with confidence, promising a break from the past and an economic paradise.

However, things were not getting any better and shortages of basic goods persisted and prices continued to rise.

In February, Reserve Bank of Zimbabwe (RBZ) governor John Mangudya, let go of the fallacy that the US dollar was equal to bond notes and while presenting a monetary policy, he introduced a new currency, the RTGS dollar, which consists of electronic balances in banks and mobile wallets, bond notes and bond coins.

This meant the greenback could now be sold at the prevailing rate, and prices could be pegged in both US dollar and RTGS$ terms.

This move worked in favour of business, which could now sell goods at market price, but burdened the ordinary people, whose wages were not rising in sync with the exchange rate.

Tension remained, and the fear of the unknown prevailed, with many preferring to change their earnings into hard currency.

Without enough public confidence, the value of the RTGS dollar continued to slide.

In what was a de javu moment for those who lived through the 2007 to 2008 economic collapse, the economy was once again at the centre of Zimbabwean politics, with government continuing to promise stability and the opposition speaking of the need for broad-based political and economic reforms.

March 17, 2019, the government of Zimbabwe was caught unawares when Cyclone Idai hit the eastern parts of Zimbabwe, impacting heavily on Chimanimani and Chipinge districts.

It took three days for the first vehicles to reach the hardest hit areas of Ngangu and Kopa.

Hundreds of lives were lost and the disaster, the biggest of its nature in Zimbabwe, exposed the poor disaster preparedness and poor priorities of government, which immediately started begging for assistance.

Sadly, there were stories of some of the proceeds from the Cyclone disaster being looted by Zanu PF officials and some foodstuffs ended up expiring because of the bureaucracy that was involved in the handing out of donations.

Still, a glimmer of optimism continued, with the hope that things would get better, and by June life was only getting worse, with the value of salaries eroded, the black market — obstensibly fuelled by top officials, continued to thrive.

Mnangagwa did not stop travelling across the globe on a chartered flight that cost taxpayers millions of dollars.

Meanwhile, civil servants were now demanding to be paid in US dollars, or at least to have their salaries pegged at the prevailing US dollar rate.

In June, the Finance ministry made what was seen as panic move and introduced yet another currency, this time it was called the Zimbabwe Dollar (ZWL), and effectively banned the general use of the US dollar, restricting it to selected sectors.

This did not inspire confidence in the market, and the situation was made worse when government, throughout the year, sneaked in the US dollar through the back door by making exceptions on businesses that could trade or pay in US dollar.

By now, fuel shortages and 18-hour power cuts had become an everyday thing.

As business continued to suffer from these shortages, and ordinary people watched as their incomes were eroded, government did not stop to pronounce that Zimbabwe was “open of business” and that things were going to be better.

On August 16, the main opposition MDC attempted to demonstrate in Harare city centre, and the police thwarted it with unmatched brutality, once again putting the country under the spotlight of human rights abuses.

What followed was an effective ban on opposition and pro-human rights public activities.

By the time former President Robert Mugabe died, on September 6, his 37-year legacy of ruin was now looking like paradise.

The political drama throughout his funeral, where government and the Mugabe family and allies fought over how the veteran politician would be mourned and interred played out in the public domain.

What was more prominent though, to the ordinary people, was what they called Mugabe’s benevolence.

In his death, Mugabe looked like an angel.

A true test of the general disaffection with the Mnangagwa government happened in October when Zanu PF, which was now using sanctions as the scapegoat for failure, organised what they called an anti-sanctions march. It was monumental flop.

As they year ground to an end, and it was now apparent that all that was happening was the worsening of the economy. Ncube, who all along had preached confidence of a resurgence, fell short of admitting failure when he blamed “bad luck” for the country’s economic woes.

During the first week of December, weary Zimbabweans woke up to the news of a visit to Zimbabwe by former President of South Africa, Thabo Mbeki.

Mbeki met Mnangagwa and MDC leader Nelson Chamisa and other political actors, heightening speculation that he was in Zimbabwe to ignite political dialogue to rescue the country.

The veteran politician left, promising to return for more interfaces.

On a bleak Christmas, as Zimbabweans grappled with power outages, fuel and cash shortages, an impending drought, Mnangagwa flew to his farm in Kwekwe, escorted by an army helicopter, to meet his Polad partners.

In Kwekwe, Mnangagwa — surrounded by his Polad partners — portrayed the face of a happy and contented man.

Nothing in his face showed that he was leading a country in crisis, neither did he show any worry over the infighting in his own party.

As 2020 comes, Zimbabwe is a ship that is on the verge of sinking, with no rescue in sight, and the only risk anyone can take without getting shot at by security agents, is to hope for the best.

BY MTHANDAZO NYONI

ZIMBABWE’S fish export volumes increased by 37% to 2 318 tonnes between January and September 2019, driven by fresh water frozen fish and frozen tilapia, according to a Livestock and Meat Advisory Council (Lmac) report.

In value, the exports increased by 12% to US$4,9 million compared to the same period in 2018.

Exports were dominated by fresh water frozen fish and frozen tilapia that contributed 47% and 52%, respectively, of total exports.

“Consumer incomes have not kept pace with increasing costs of fish production, and as a result, fish producers are increasingly exploring regional and international markets to compensate for the local drop in demand,” the report reads in part.

Imports of fish in the period under review were 2 075t, a decline of 86% over the same period in 2018 and the value declined 80% from US$14,7 million to US$3 million.

“Foreign currency shortages appear to have had a severe negative impact upon the import of fish,” it said.

Fish imports were dominated by frozen jack and horse mackerel, both in quantity (58%) and value (54%) at an average price of $782 per tonne. Dried fresh water fish were also imported at $2 098/t.

Zimbabwe Fish Producers Association (ZFPA) believes that fish production would grow significantly, with aquaculture rivalling the chicken, pork and beef industries.

With the right policies and strategies, there is enormous potential to develop fish farming in Zimbabwe, using tilapia — Africa’s own indigenous fish, which achieves good growth rates under intensive production.

Zimbabwe has relatively developed aquaculture and is one of the top 10 fish farming countries in Sub-Saharan Africa.

According to ZFPA, the country’s aquaculture sector can produce 20 000 tonnes of fish, creating 10 000 direct jobs and another 10 000 indirectly.

Currently, Zimbabwe is producing approximately 15 000 tonnes of fish per year in a small number of dams.

If all the dams can be fully utilised the country has a potential to increase fish production to almost 1,5 million tonnes per year, according to experts.

For Zimbabwe to realise the full potential of aquaculture, the private sector and government must work together with financial institutions to establish an Aquaculture Development Fund.

LMAC said as the fish farming industry grew, there was need for accredited and certified trainers to provide expertise and practical training to fish farmers as well as bio-security requirements for fish farming, including effective pest control, regular monitoring of water quality and correct handling of fish to ensure that fish are maintained in a healthy environment for optimum production.

Some of the commercial fish farms in Zimbabwe include Lake Harvest Aquaculture (Kariba), The Bream Farm (Kariba), Mazvikadei Fish Farm, Clairmont Trout Farm, The Trout Farm and Inn on Ruparara, also in Nyanga.

Zimbabwe’s first minister of Agriculture Dennis Norman died in Oxfordshire in December last year, reports from England have said.

Norman also famed for being part of the initiation of the Beira Corridor and subsequent established of the Féria oil pipeline passed on Friday December 20 after a long battle against cancer of the oesophagus.

Norman was appointed by Zimbabwe’s inaugural Prime Minister Robert Mugabe reportedly at the suggestion of the late Lord Soames.

Reports say Norman’s appointment after a long and bitter racial war that cost in the region of 35 000 lives came as a huge surprise.

At the time, it was seen as a strong and meaningful appointment that underscored Mugabe’s determination to cement racial and political reconciliation in a war-torn country.

Norman was later appointed as Minister of Transport, the post that saw him spearhead the establishment of the Beira Corridor and the oil pipeline still in use today.

After serving Zimbabwe in various portfolios, Denis Norman and his wife, June, returned to England.

His death will be mourned by all those who knew him, worked with him and admired his honesty, integrity and ability to heal old racial wounds by doing so much to bring about the prosperity of thousands of small-scale black farmers while underlining the importance of experienced white commercial farmers and growers, once the backbone of a thriving agricultural sector of the economy.

“One of the great men of the post-Independence era is no longer with us. It is hard to believe we will ever see the likes of him again in Zimbabwe,”Trevor Grundy who reported his death in England said. (Additional reporting by Rex Mphisa)

BY Stephen Chadenga

A GWERU gold miner has combined mining with agriculture in a bid to maximise production in the two sectors.

Speaking last Friday during a tour of the gold mine and farming projects, CMN Mines managing director, Advance Chauke said he uses water pumped from mine shafts for irrigation purposes.

“We de-water our mine shafts and use that water to irrigate crop fields,” Chauke said on the sidelines of the tour.

“At the moment we have planted maize on three hectares and the crop is ready for harvesting. We have also prepared 10 hectares of land and given the availability of irrigation equipment such as pipes and drips we can put more land under irrigation.”
Chauke added: “We also produce potatoes, tomatoes and vegetables.”

Chauke, who is also Confederation of Zimbabwe Miners president, said he started his mining venture, situated 22km north-west of Gweru off Matobo Road along Nkululeko Way, in 1999.

He said a South African investor, he was not at liberty to reveal, would partner CMN Mines by June this year in a move that would see the setting up of additional plants at the mine.

“If we set up an underground plant and another one for dumps we would increase production from the current one to two kilogrammes of gold per month to between three to four kilogrammes,” he said.

Speaking at the same event, Midlands provincial lands officer, Kudzai Katiyo commended Chauke for enhancing food security through combining mining and farming.

“This is quite commendable that a miner is using water pumped from shafts for irrigation purposes,” she said.

“We also encourage Chauke to assist other farmers surrounding him with water pumped from the mine shafts.”

Guest speaker at the event, Chief Chisadza of Lower Gweru encouraged other miners to emulate Chauke.

“Surely, if agriculture experts are engaged they can put standard canals and other irrigation equipment, turning this mining-farming venture into a world wonder,” he said.

BY FORTUNE MBELE

Goalkeeper Ariel Sibanda (pictured) has committed to Highlanders and only a good offer from outside the country can persuade him to leave the Bulawayo giants.
NewsDay Sport has been informed that Sibanda, who turns 31 in a few week’s time, is on Norman Mapeza’s Chippa United radar and could land himself in the South African top league this year.

However, the Chilli Boys, who are also reportedly interested in the services of FC Platinum goalkeeper Wallace Magalane, are yet to approach Highlanders.

Sibanda still has a year to his contract with Highlanders and yesterday said his heart was still with Bosso, the only club he has played for in the top league locally.

“I am still a Highlanders player and I am still committed to playing for the club. I have not heard anything about any club that wants my services and Highlanders have not said anything to me as yet. I am with Highlanders and if I am to go anywhere, the club obviously has to get something,” Sibanda said.

Highlanders spokesperson Ronald Moyo yesterday confirmed the Warriors goal minder still has one more year at Highlanders and the club has not had any offers for the veteran shot-stopper.

However, a source has said Highlanders are aware Sibanda is wanted by Mapeza and if he is to leave, the Bulawayo giants’ eyes would shift to Magalane.

At the moment, any inward transfers have been frozen as the club awaits to bring in Mark Harrison as the head coach.

The Bulawayo giants are likely to lose striker Prince Dube to a yet to be named club in China where he went last month together with Triangle’s Delic Murimba.

The two’s handlers Joe Smart Sports and Events Management confirmed the duo’s status on their website last Thursday, saying Murimba had missed out on a chance for trial in Europe.

“It has recently been a sad story for Delic when he once again couldn’t beat the visa application deadline to attend trials at Kups ( in Finland) as was the case when he couldn’t get Schengen visa to trial in Sweden in summer of 2019. However, this could turn out to be a blessing in disguise if everything goes according to the revised recent agreements we negotiated with the Chinese side Heilongjiang Lava Spring FC,”
Heilongjiang said Murimba will trial for a development player slot.

“This is different from Prince Dube’s situation at a different club as the coaching staff won’t be meticulous in making recommendations as to sign him or not. Prince on the (yet to be disclosed club) would be expected to spearhead the club’s attack in the coming season if all goes well,” a statement on Joe Smart’s website read.

Outgoing Highlanders coach Hendrikus Pieter de Jongh had recommended that Highlanders pursue veteran strikers Obadiah Tarumbwa and Ralph Matema for this year, but with the Dutchman gone everything has stalled.

Highlanders had targeted bringing on board Bulawayo Chiefs goalkeeper David Bizabani, striker Farau Matare and defender Malvin Mkolo, with Brendon Mpofu also in their radar, but that will all be subject to Harrison’s approval.

BY TAWANDA TAFIRENYIKA

Having been criticised for signing novices and players of low profiles, Dynamos have shifted their focus to big names among them Ralph Kawondera who was at Triangle last season as they seek to bolster their squad for the 2020 season.

DeMbare are also negotiating with Black Rhinos for the services of Soccer Star of the Year finalist William Taderera.

The pair flourished at their respective clubs last season which earned them places on the 2019 Castle Lager Soccer Star of the Year calendar.

Informed sources yesterday said, apart from Kawondera and Taderera, ZPC Kariba and Warriors defender Ian Nekati is also on Dynamos coach Tonderai Ndiraya’s wish list.

However, reports suggest that the Dynamos target has also attracted the interest of Zambian side Buildcon who have already raided the Zimbabwean turf after snatching up reigning Zimbabwe Soccer Star of the Year Joel Ngodzo, Ngezi Platinum forward Donald Teguru and Harare City defender Takudzwa Chimwemwe.

The trio were part of the Buildcon side that lost 2-0 to Green Buffaloes at the weekend.

Nevertheless, Dynamos, who have not hidden their desire to secure quality players believe they can win the transfer battle as they seek to strengthen their side.

Although club chairperson Isaiah Mupfurutsa could not disclose their targets, perhaps for fear of jeorpardising negotiations, he said they would announce the capture of some big names once they completed the deals, but confirmed that they were still very active on the market.

“We are still in negotiations with the players who the coach has indicated he wants. We are still working to conclude the deals and once we complete we will announce,” he said. “We still want to sign more players apart from the four whose deals we have already completed. We have key considerations in the signing of these players: Quality, experience and youth. We want to build a balanced squad with both youth and experience because we want a team that will remain in place for some time,” Mupfurutsa said.

The Dynamos boss said stakeholders were united as they seek to mould a team that can compete for honours next season.

“Like last season, we are united as we build the team, from the board, executive and the technical team. We are working with the coach very closely in acquiring the players; we are working on what he has presented to us,” he said. Some of the deals have been taking long because some players still have running contracts with their clubs.

Already Dynamos have sealed deals with former captain Partson Jaure who was on Manica Diamonds books, Nkosi Mhlanga – a midfielder, who has been playing for Yadah and two Prince Edward High School products Tanaka Chidhobha and Lennox Mutsetse.

The Glamour Boys are also looking to retain goalkeeper Simbarashe Chinani whose deal with the club has expired, although the player has been linked with a move to South Africa.

Despite being a subject of interest from Caps United, last season’s top goal scorer Evans Katema is also expected to stay put as the Glamour Boys seek to put together a formidable squad that can challenge for the championships this time around after a largely disappointing campaign last term.

BY GARIKAI MAFIRAKUREVA

An extension of the cane-cutting season in the hope of reducing a backlog ahead of the annual shutdown for the sugar-processing industry turned tragic when a contracted worker at the Hippo Valley Estates drowned in a water canal last Friday.

Tongaat Hullets sugar milling is traditionally shutdown from mid-December to March, but the period was extended in order to accommodate late harvesting.

Masvingo provincial police spokesperson, Chief Inspector Charity Mazula confirmed the tragedy, saying Elphas Sengamayi drowned in a water canal near Kyle School in Triangle.

She said Sengemayi was one of the cane cutters on a shuttle stay at Kyle Primary School and, on the fateful day, Gift Mahaso and the deceased went out take a bath at the canal close to the school.

“However, according to Samuel Zimhunga, who was also part of the cane cutters, the two had a misunderstanding leading to a scuffle resulting in Mahaso trying to push Sengamayi into the canal, but they both ended up falling into the canal,” she said.

Mahoso is said to have swam while screaming for help and was rescued by two other cane cutters from Hippo Valley Estates section 8. He only sustained a few bruises on his toes.

The rescuers, however, failed to immediately locate Sengamayi whose body was swept by the undercurrent and was later retrieved some 1 200 metres away from the scene.

The matter was reported at ZRP Triangle who treated it as murder and Mahaso was immediately arrested and is set to appear before a Chiredzi magistrate today.

BY SILAS NKALA

THE opposition Zapu has finally announced August 27 to 29 as the dates for its congress to elect a new leader following the death of its founder Dumiso Dabengwa in May last year.

The congress will be held at the Bulawayo Amphitheatre.

Donor fatigue and the country’s economic situation have largely hampered preparations for the congress, the party said.

Party spokesperson Iphithule Maphosa revealed that the preparations for the congress were 50% complete despite the numerous challenges they faced.

Zapu congress planning chairperson Stylish Magida revealed over the weekend that the congress dates have now been finalised.

“Arrival of delegates is August 26. Congress will run from August 27 to 29 midday. Then delegates will have lunch and leave at 2pm.Venue is Amphitheatre just opposite fountain at the park in Bulawayo,” she said.

Magida said they were expecting between 3 000 to 5 000 delegates, but the final number will be determined by the party’s constitution.

She said the party faces challenges emanating from the prevailing domestic economic conditions.

Zapu has always been funded by its members, but challenges linked to unemployed, successive years of drought, high transport costs and expensive accommodation have hamstrung preparations.

“Given that congress is only six months away, everybody must now be on their toes to achieve this considering the challenges mentioned,” she said.

Jostling for positions ahead of the congress has started with six candidates having been nominated by provinces to battle it out for the presidency.

Acting president Isaac Mabuka has indicated that he would be retiring from active politics after the congress.

Those eyeing the presidency are Mark Mbayiwa, Strike Mkandla, Future Msebele, former vice-president Emilia Mukaratirwa, Mateo Sibanda and Maphosa.

Other positions will also be filled during the congress.

Meanwhile, the party was thrown into mourning following the death of Hezel Chihota, the South Africa-based former youth leader and Zimbabwe African Women’s Union (Zapu women’s wing) provincial executive member.

Maphosa yesterday said Chihota (43) died after a long illness.

“She rose through the ranks and was at the time of her departure a member of the women executive in the province,” he said.

Chihota was laid to rest yesterday at the Athlone cemetery in Bulawayo and she was the only girl child in her family.

Chihota’s death came at a time the party also lost its secretary for security Canaan Ncube in November last year at the age of 80. The party also lost youth leader Thamani Ncube and secretary for health Nikela Ndebele.

Develop me :Tapiwa Gomo

It was somewhere in the mid-1980s when I joined my grandparents in one of the villages in Mashonaland Central province. At the time, the country had a functioning economy, which gave millions of people hope for a much better future.

Coming out of many decades of colonial oppression, independence meant a lot more than just freedom for the millions of people who witnessed the transition mainly those in rural areas where battles were fought, lives lost, people injured and property damaged.

Every rainy season, Mutsvaire village down in Rushinga rumbled like a mini-agriculture industry as villagers jostled to till the land and get the best out of their farms. Just like any other rural area, it had its own economic class structure.

There were those who owned large herds of cattle and farming equipment such as tractors. This was the wealthy group by that village’s standards. The second category were those who used draught power for ploughing. They owned cattle as well, but not in large numbers.

And the third group was those who did not have any of the above and either relied on hand tools such as hoes to till the land or hire draught power from the first or second group.

This simply meant that in most cases, they would be the last to complete ploughing their land and would lose out on capitalising on the rains. The harvests too would be little, requiring supplementary household food supplies to end the year.

These circumstances impacted, not only on household economy and food production, but affected choices and decisions made by different families.

Some of these improved the economies of some families while others affected the growth of the children from various families. One of the areas that was influenced by these choices and decisions was education — a major determinant factor to future employment and economic opportunities.

Children from wealthy families were not forced to go to the farm and till the land. This was because their families had the financial resources to mechanise their farming. In addition, they had the resources to hire permanent and seasonal labour. This allowed their children enough time to focus on school, play and relax.

This group of children tended to succeed and proceeded to colleges and universities opening up a whole new world of economic opportunities for them.

The second group of families, which was more like the middle class, were under pressure to catch up with the wealthy group. And for that reason, they maximised on the little resources they owned while minimising expenditure.

This meant that their children would wake up in the wee hours of the morning to yoke the oxen and till the land before joining other children for school later that same morning.

It also meant they would join their parents back on the farm in the afternoon soon after school.

The driving energy in all this was hope deriving from a functioning economy. There was hope that with hard work plus a good economy poverty was escapable. The economy made them to see an end to their suffering. I am not sure whether the same can be said of today.

As a result, while this group of families were able to harvest surplus food and cash crops to put the families in better financial situations, their children lost out on time to study, play and relax.

For this reason, most of these children took over farming from their parents when they aged, while a few of them were able to attend college and became civil servants. Those whose parents had made it into the first category and later inherited their parents’ wealth, only the third or fourth generation of children were able to enjoy a somewhat labour-free childhood in the village.

While the road was long, it was possible to transform the economic fortunes of future generations.

The situation was even tougher for the third category. First, all their farming activities were carried out manually, which meant that it was hard and exhausting. Second, each member of the family had to play their part, including children.

Third, they sold labour to the first and second category to raise money to supplement on family requirements such as school fees. It was such a horrifying poverty-stricken, labour-intense and undignifying experiencing for most children.

But in all this, they saw hope in hard work and education and their dreams too superseded the embarrassment of enslaving themselves to their neighbours in order to survive and achieve bigger dreams.

It is now over three decades and what has become of such a vibrant and promising village? The stories are both horrifying and desperate. The three categories are now one.

A bad economy has brought everyone to their knees and everyone is now equally poor. The ecosystem that used to bind the villagers together in nurturing their various hopes and dreams has been destroyed.

The first and second categories all lost their means of production and farming is no longer rewarding. To supplement income, families sold their cattle and other items. Members of all categories are now competing for limited resources, which together with bad politics, have brought paranoia and mistrust among the villagers.

And with that, that sense of working together to achieve family and personal goals has long vanished.