Opinion A.K. Malunga

BEFORE enactment of the Public Order & Security Act (POSA) in 2000, and prior to the demise of Law and Order Maintenance Act in 1993, the right to picketing was regulated by common law.

During this period, the police wantonly resorted to the unlawful use of brute force to quell demonstrations or processions.

However, pressure from civic society, among other factors, arm-twisted the government into seeking a way to sanitise the actions of the police in an effort to conjure a façade of constitutionality. Fortunately, the public could not be fooled and objections against the diabolically repressive nature of the Act remained a thorn in the flesh of all pro-democratic movements.

Enter the new dispensation: Along came the Maintenance of Peace and Order Bill (MOPA). Towards the curtain-call of the year 2017, Zimbabwe woke up to a so-called new dispensation.

Along with it came a litany of new hopes and dreams of peace, democracy, prosperity and justice, among other illusions. Sadly, these dreams also did not leave behind the nightmares in the form of POSA, and POSA did not leave behind its draconian sibling, namely Access to Information and
Protection of Privacy Act.

There could be no democracy if POSA was still a part of the laws in the so-called new dispensation. Peace and Justice could not prevail with POSA lurking in the shadows.

The new government had to act, and it decided to do away with POSA, and usher in MOPA. From all this hullaballoo ,a new question arose: Is MOPA any different from POSA or is it just, but a mere renaming of the same child from Chipo to Sipho?

Renaming the same child
The differences between MOPA and POSA are so microscopic that if one could take the liberty to describe them allegorically, one would conclude that they are smaller than an ant’s beard. The obvious changes are the updates of names and titles, for example, “Commissioner of Police” has been changed to “Commissioner-General of Police” and “Police Force” to “Police Service”.

In terms of Section 1, namely, the Short Title, the Act has been re-christened and given a title that sounds more palliative than POSA. It gets an uber-democratic sounding title: Maintenance of Peace and Order Bill.

The name creates a misapprehension that peace and order currently exist in the country and that the new bill is just grease in the constantly rotating wheels of peace, order and justice. The title: Public Order & Security Act had a coarse texture and sounded more militant and drew images of a police State in one’s mind.

Clause 6, which regulates the appointment of responsible officers for public meetings, is mere window-dressing. In terms of sub-section (1) thereof, persons who are appointed as organisers of public meetings are to be regarded as conveners for the purposes of Part II of the Bill. There is no discernible advantage emanating from the addition of these few words.

In a move towards contemporaneousness, Clause 7 which deals with the notice of gatherings has simply replaced “facsimile numbers” with “cellular phones” and “e-mails” as modes of correspondence recognised by the Bill. The obligation to give notice of public gatherings remains unchanged.

Consultations, among others the holding of public gatherings, are dealt with under section 8 of the Bill. In terms, thereof, a regulating authority (a senior police officer) is given three days to inform the convener of a demonstration, whether or not permission to demonstrate has been granted. The only difference with the foregoing and section 26 of POSA is that the regulating authority could hold the exercise of its discretion ad infinitum. Another variance with section 26 of POSA is the addition of an unintelligible proviso to subsection (3).

At the end of the day, the clause is a clone of section 26 of POSA. Convenors of a demonstration are inadvertently forced into a scenario where they have to give more than seven days’ notice to the regulating authority in case the regulating authority fears possible disorder and, therefore, has to invite the convenors to a consultative meeting at least seven days before the demonstration. Consequently, a consultative meeting cannot be held if the regulating authority has withheld its consent, where the convenors have given the minimum seven days’ notice or less.

The temporary prohibition of public demonstrations, which was enshrined in section 27 of POSA, was outlawed by the High Court for being ultra-vires the supreme law of the land has not been included in the Bill.

A proverbial breath of fresh air is seen in Clause 14 of the Bill which no longer criminalises a civilian’s failure to produce an identity document when asked by a police officer. The clause is less menacing and it gives a person seven (7) days to produce an identity document at a police station after failure to produce one upon request by a police officer.

Contrariwise, a law which permits the police to arbitrarily stop people and demand their identity documents is unconstitutional, because it impedes on the right to freedom of movement. Section 14 of the Bill contains this provision.

Last but not least, section 18 of the Bill cures the constitutional malady in section 37 of POSA by taking away from the Defence minister, the power to deploy troops to assist the police in quelling public unrest. It restores such power to the President. The section is now intra-vires section 213 of the Constitution.

Further, and in harmony with section 214 of the Constitution, the President is indulged to inform Parliament within seven days after deploying the Defence
Forces to restore public order.

Conclusion
It is apparent the POSA is very much alive, albeit with a different name.

MOPA is just as undemocratic as POSA.

The amendments are tantamount to applying lipstick to a baboon.

In my view, MOPA or POSA should have no space in a democratic narrative.

The common law offences pertaining to incitement of violence sufficiently cover the needs of public order relating to freedom of expression.

There is clearly a need to remove or substantially overhaul all POSA and/or MOPA, including all other repressive and undemocratic legislation interfering with freedom of assembly and freedom of speech. There is also a pressing need for a return to impartial policing, which will require a radical a change in the ethos of the police. The police force must become a force that performs its duties fairly and professionally. They must no longer apply or misapply the law so as to destroy the democratic right to freedom of assembly and speech.

NYANGA National Park is situated in one of the most scenic areas of Zimbabwe’s Eastern Highlands. Rolling green hills and perennial rivers transverse the park.

With its stunning mountainous views, numerous waterfalls, varied activities and unique flora and fauna, Nyanga National Park can provide the visitor with an unforgettable holiday experience.

The park occupies 47 000 hectares. Altitudes between 1 800 and 2 593 metres provide cool weather and fresh mountain air; perfect for rest and relaxation. The park is located about 268km from Harare, along a well tarred highway.

The mountainous terrain is home to a variety of animals, including the mysterious waterbuck, wildebeest, kudu, zebra, impala, sables and eland, among others.

The sparkling fresh water rivers are an envelope of fresh water fish such as the Nyanga trout, which is a delicacy to many visitors.

Cool temperatures are usual in Nyanga, with summer temperature around 26 degrees celcius and winter cold temperatures of minus three degrees celcius. These are complimented by a wet summer.

The park provides a wide range of accommodation packages. The Rhodes Nyanga hotel has been operating since early 1900s and it consists of 24 rooms, bar, restaurant and conference facilities.

Historically, the hotel has the Rhodes-Nyanga museum, with some of the furniture Cecil John Rhodes owned. The hotel is situated in the Nyanga National Park.

There are three rest-camps, namely Rhodes, Udu and Mare. These rest camps offer the visitor spacious thatched self-catering two and one bed-roomed lodges, with a fully equipped kitchen. There are exciting camping and caravan sites which are well sheltered by acacia trees, where cooking on wood fires draws the visitor to ancient memories of the history of mankind .

Attractions include Mount Nyangani, Zimbabwe’s highest point at 2 593 metres offers a challenging climb and spectacular views of the surrounding countryside.

The Nyangombe Falls is a beautiful series of cascading waterfalls located on the western edge of the Park, a 15-minute walk from the carpark. Mutarazi Falls is the highest waterfall in Zimbabwe and the second highest on the continent. Visitors may leave their vehicles at the carpark and take a short hike to the edge of the escarpment for spectacular views of the waterfalls and the Honde Valley, some 800 metres below.

You can view the Pungwe Falls from the scenic Pungwe viewpoint or drive through the Pungwe Drift for a closer view of the river and lush forest areas around. Nyangwe and Chawomera Forts are massive stone works with lintelled entrances that characterise these fine examples of Nyanga ruins, which were built some 400 years ago.

Pit structures are also located within the park.

You can engage in a wide-range of activities, including the finest fly fishing in Zimbabwe, which can be found in many of the park’s well-stocked rivers and lakes, including Mare, Udu, Rhodes, Gulliver and Purdon dams. Bream fishing is also available at Udu Dam. Rowing boats can be hired at each dam and visitors can swim at Nyangombe pool where the clear, crisp Nyangombe River spills over natural rock-slides. Visitors can also relax on the sandy beaches.

Numerous trails and paths provide lovely walks through both the forest areas and open highlands, many leading to beautiful waterfalls and scenic vistas. Game viewing is open to the public all-year round. Gates are open for game viewing daily from 0600hrs until 1800hrs. All clients are only allowed to enter the park when driving.

Walking and cycling are strictly prohibited unless with express , and only in the company of a designated park officer. Clients are allowed to drive around the park on their own, using designated roads only.

The main and most sought out activity at the park; fishing is conducted all year round. There are five fishing and picnic sites in the park. Recreational activities include yachting, boating, rowing, angling and canoeing. — www.zimparks.org

By Garikai Mafirakureva

Zanu PF supporters in Chiredzi booed and hauled insults at the party’s Masvingo provincial Women’s League chairperson Alignia Samson and Chiredzi West MP Farai Musikavanhu at victory celebrations held in the sugar growing town on Wednesday.

Most Zanu PF bigwigs based in Chiredzi, who were invited for the celebrations also snubbed the event that was held at Tshovani Stadium. The MPs had to leave in a huff when the situation got tense.

Party supporters said Zanu PF erred when it selected Samson to be Chiredzi’s proportional representative and claimed that Musikavanhu rigged the primary election.

All hell broke loose when each ward was allocated 6kg of meat for the celebrations, which they claimed was rotten.

Zanu PF Masvingo provincial spokesperson Ronald Ndava confirmed the incident.

He said supporters should be educated on the issue of belittling and taunting their chosen representatives.

On the rotten meat, Ndava said he was not qualified to comment, as he was not a specialist in food.

“I think on the issue of rejecting the leaders they chose in the first place; people should be educated before it gets out of hand. On the other hand, the
celebrations coincided with various other national events like the Zimbabwe International Trade Fair. That is why most invited guests did not attend,” he said.

“I cannot say the meat was rotten and not fit for human consumption, because I am not a meat specialist. I just think our people overreacted because the meat they were allocated was the first batch. There was more to come. It should also be taken into consideration that the meat was being kept in various wards, so maybe one or two refrigerators malfunctioned.”

Samson admitted that she was booed and heckled.

However, she said such incidents were expected in politics before cutting off her phone.

Musikavanhu flatly denied that he was attacked, saying he had a good rapport between him and party supporters. When quizzed further, he referred all the questions to Samson.

“This was not a joint celebration. As you may recall, we held very successful Chiredzi West constituency celebrations in December 2018 at Chishamiso Stadium.
The function on Wednesday April 24, 2019 was for the Chiredzi district women’s quota MP, which was being held in Chiredzi West constituency,” Musikavanhu said.

“I did not witness that. If anything, as the MP for the constituency where the function was held, I was assisting with logistics, including transport services and was working very well with everyone. I, therefore, suggest that you direct your questions to that MP.”

BY JAIROS SAUNYAMA

SITTING behind the wheel of a bus is no male domain anymore.

When a woman tears to shreds the traditional script which has been written in favour of men, the story takes a paradigm shift.

On March 15, Juwanitta Chirau-Mapangera (35) left home for Ruware Park Primary School in Marondera to take part in the interview for a school bus driver.

She knew she had the ability to take up the demands that come with the job.

Upon arriving at the council offices, she was the only female in the pack of 15 interviewees who had gone to try their luck.

Chirau-Mapangera impressed the panel and today, she has made history as the first female school bus driver in Marondera district as well as one of the few, if
any, in the entire Mashonaland East province.

“Of the 15 people listed for the interview, I was surprised to discover that I was the only female. I thought I was not going to make it and it got worse when
I learnt that some of the interviewees had about 10 years’ experience. My Class 1 driver’s licence was just four months old. I only got a call to confirm that
I had passed the interview after one week and I glorified God,” she said.

“It is described as a job for men, but I was confident that I could do better than them. I am so happy and I thank God for the victory. It has always been my passion to take up challenging jobs and God granted me my wish. I have made history and made my family proud.”

A mother of three, Chirau-Mapangera, who has been a holder of Class 4 driver’s licence since 2005, went for Class 1 tests in December last year and passed. She
also holds a Defensive Driving Certificate.

“I was encouraged by my defensive instructor to go for Class 1 despite me opting for Class 2. I vowed to give it a try and got 100% after writing the
provisional test for Class 1. It worked, and here I am,” Chirau-Mapangera said.

Her husband is a bus driver for one of the popular transport companies that ply the Harare-Johannesburg route.

It is now a family of bus drivers.

“I am in support of the upliftment of women. I am against individuals with patriarchal tendencies, those who think women are inferior. I urge other women to
defy the odds and take up the challenges. They should not wait for their husbands to provide for the family. It is time men know that we can do it,” she said.

Ruware Primary School Development Committee chairperson Augustine Marongwe confirmed that Chirau-Mapangera was now one of the school bus drivers.

“She has all the requirements needed for a public transport driver and satisfied a panel of five qualified personnel, including senior drivers, during both
oral interviews and road tests. So far, she has done well and we are impressed with her conduct,” he said.

“We have three drivers at this school who are all on contracts. Unfortunately, they are not permanently employed. We are happy that Chirau-Mapangera has enough
time if we need her services.”

Marondera-based gender activist Marjory Svisva said the move by Ruware Primary to contract Mapangera was a milestone towards achieving gender equality.
Chirau-Mapangera’s story tells of women who overcome fears and have vowed to deal with gender imbalances.

Today, with the determination of an athlete, she has made history by becoming the first female bus driver at one of Marondera’s biggest primary schools.

She is entrusted with the lives of the young boys and girls, a task she cherishes as a mother.

By Glenda Daniels

It’s pleasing that the latest World Press Freedom Index released by Reporters without Borders rates the state of press freedom in South Africa as “satisfactory”. Satisfactory is the second best category after “good”.

South Africa is on par in the “satisfactory” category with countries like Australia, Canada, Spain, France, Italy, the UK, Austria and Uruguay. In Africa, it joins the ranks of Namibia, Burkina Faso and Ghana.

The index was released ahead of World Press Freedom Day on May 3.

The World Press Freedom Index looks at several factors in ranking countries. It examines whether and how many journalists were killed in a particular country and if journalists have been jailed. It also considers countries’ legislative framework as well as national debates about the media.

In South Africa’s case, the researchers would have taken into account comments made by the country’s head of State President Cyril Ramaphosa as well as those made by the leader of second largest opposition party, Julius Malema. Malema has a chequered history with the media, openly attacking it at times and threatening journalists on social media.

This could be one of the reasons why South Africa was put in the category of “satisfactory”. While there has been hostility towards the media, no journalists
have been killed or jailed. Nor has Ramaphosa used vitriolic expletives against journalists — as US President Donald Trump has done — when challenged.

I believe South Africa is in the category it deserves, though there are some worrying trends that need to be watched closely. These might explain why the country has dropped three places since last year. Hints of these emerged recently with the deputy secretary-general of the African National Congress (ANC) attacked a journalist for asking a questions she didn’t like. The other worrying trend has been a rise in misogyny on social media directed at women journalists.

There is an obvious and direct relationship between democracy, freedom of the Press, diversity of media, freedom of expression. When democracy gets squeezed, journalists get the backlash. When journalists get the backlash democracy itself is squeezed.

The categories

The index has five categories.

The first is “good”. Only a few countries are listed here, and most are in Europe. New Zealand is also on the list.

The second category is “satisfactory”. Again, the list isn’t very long. Along with South Africa, it includes Australia, Canada and the UK.

The third category is “problematic”. The US, as well as Brazil, Mongolia and Niger, appear on this list.

The fourth category is “difficult”. Countries included here are Russia, India, Mexico, Venezuela, Pakistan, Afghanistan, the Democratic Republic of the Congo
and Rwanda.

The fifth category is “very serious”. This list includes countries that have been the worst culprits over the past decade when it comes to the mistreatment of journalists. Among them are China, Turkmenistan, Iran, Syria, Saudi Arabia, Yemen, Somalia, Sudan, Eritrea, Egypt and Libya.

In terms of first and last out of 180 countries: Norway is number one, Finland is two, Netherlands is number 3. At the bottom end of the list is Turkmenistan, with North Korea second last.

It’s interesting, but not surprising, that the US is down from the last index. When Trump took power, he labelled any journalist who challenged him as “fake news” and as “fakery”.

Venezuela and Russia also lost points on the index from the previous year.

The countries at the bottom — for example, Egypt, Syria, Libya, Vietnam, China, Eritrea, Saudi Arabia and Turkmenistan — have all variously and to different degrees made it impossible for journalists to do their jobs freely. Journalists have been under surveillance, arrested, jailed, killed and harassed.
African situation

In Africa, Namibia holds its number one place, and makes it to 23 in the world index.

Ethiopia deserves a huge mention for making a 40-place jump up the index.

Africa’s two really poor performers are Sudan, which stands at 175 out of 180 countries in the world, and Somalia, which is regarded as the deadliest country in Africa for killings.

In the case of South Africa, the report attached to the index notes that the country’s 1996 Constitution protects the freedom of its very diverse media. But, it notes, apartheid-era legislation and new terrorism laws passed in 2004 are used to limit coverage of governments institutions when “national interest” is supposedly at stake.

The report also notes that the State security agency spies on some journalists and taps their phones. Others are harassed and subjected to intimidation campaigns if they try to cover certain subjects involving the governing ANC, government finances, the redistribution of land to the black population or corruption.

It notes that an increase in abusive language and hate speech against journalists by an opposition leader in 2018 confirmed that Press freedom has yet to be consolidated in South Africa.

What’s needed

For democracy to work, the Press has to be free — both independent of political party interference as well as free from commercial conflicts of interests as far as possible. Journalists must serve the interests of the public and be conduits of reliable information.

This is an important function. The free flow of information is vital, particularly on the eve of a national election.

The Conversation

BY Tinashe Mungazi

A Dete man, who was found in possession of animal trophies which included lion skin, a python and raw ivory worth was this week jailed 27 years for poaching.

Never Ndlovu (46) of Mambanje Village, Dete, found himself on the wrong side of the law after his refusal to hand back a school bicycle attracted the attention of police officers who stumbled on a stash of various animal trophies with a combined value of $47 500.

He offered a partial plea when he appeared before Hwange Provincial magistrate, Portia Mhlanga facing five counts of unlawful possession of animal trophies.

He argued that he had picked the trophies from the Hwange National Park while herding cattle and intended to use them for medicinal purposes.

“Your worship, I do admit to the charge that the items were found in my bedroom hut, however, I did not kill those animals to get the trophies. Instead, I picked up all these things in the national park while herding cattle after I learnt that animal remains can be used to cure different ailments,” Ndlovu said.

On November 9 last year, police officers were making a follow up on a bicycle belonging to Mambanje Primary School which Ndlovu, a former committee member, was refusing to surrender.

Upon arrival, Ndlovu’s mother, Georgina, welcomed them into the homestead before informing them that her son was not at home. She led them to Ndlovu’s grass thatched bedroom hut where they recovered the bicycle in question.

However, as the police officers were about to leave the room, one of them noticed a wild animal skin protruding from underneath Ndlovu’s bed and decided to investigate, whereupon he uncovered a female lion trophy.

Suspecting more surprises, the two officers conducted through searches of the room and homestead, leading to the recovery of 16 pangolin scales valued at $5 000, a 3,5-metre-long python skin valued at $1 500, a female lion skin, three lion paws, lion teeth and baboon skull worth $20 500. Police also found raw ivory weighing 0,4kg valued at $20 000 and five class three wire snares.

Upon being questioned on the ownership of the recovered animal trophies and wire snares, Georgina implicated his son.
Loveness Maseko appeared for the State.

BY own correspodent

WORKS of art including paintings, folktales, songs and dance often transcend mere entertainment and are capable of more than one meaning, with individual or group interpretations entirely dependent on cultural backgrounds or ideological thrust.

Consequently, art becomes a mirror, a platform, a stage or window showcasing pertinent societal issues.

The late music icon and national hero, Oliver “Tuku” Mtukudzi, possessed unique abilities to convey useful messages through music.

In one of his songs, Bere Radya Munhu — off the album Chinhambwe (2009) —Tuku takes a dig at leaders who cling to power and refuse to call time on their political careers even in advanced age. This is despite the leadership’s conspicuous failure to shepherd their countries out of numerous socio-economic and political problems.

In subtle remarks that are laid deep in Zimbabwe’s oral tradition, Tuku releases salvos at dictators, labelling them predators or man-eaters on account of their sharp appetite for looted wealth.

Tuku, through Bere Radya Munhu, delivers a sharp indictment against the rampant and deliberate abuse of power by the authorities while simultaneously using the song to conscientise the public about the reality of their “slavish” existence under dictatorships.

In the song, the Bvuma Wasakara hitmaker expresses both disgust and uneasiness in the line, “Zvandishamisa, zvashamisa/Kuti bere radya munhu” (I’m shocked that a hyena has eaten a human being). In Zimbabwean folklore, there is a story of an old woman who went missing, with every conceited search for her yielding nothing.

As if by coincidence, a hyena threw up, and tufts of grey hair were found in the vomit, pointing to the predator’s culpability in the woman’s disappearance: Kurutsa imvi/Kuti bere radya munhu. (Vomiting grey hair/the hyena has devoured a human being).

The transition from what began as just folktale to narratives of a sexual nature in the song, through figures of speech, is the most astounding. This probably explains why the song was unofficially banned from featuring on public electronic media during former President Robert Mugabe’s era.

The use of sexual hyperbole in lyrics is also clear. Bere (hyena), munhu (human being) and imvi (grey hair) are symbolic and represent a cartoonist’s perspective of a dictator, country and sterility, respectively.

From 1980 to 2017, bere (the dictator), was easy to identify (bespectacled and moustached; as represented by the hyena’s pointed mouth), whereas countries are generally marked as feminine. It takes a bit more imagination, however, to associate imvi with what could be sexual cannibalism.

In the early 1980s, bere sprung into action, “eating”, according to a Catholic Commission for Peace and Justice report, about 20 000 people in the Midlands and Matabeleland provinces during the Gukurahundi massacres.

But decades later, even Mugabe, under whose purview the atrocities happened, has admitted to the occurrence “as a moment of madness”.

Under draconian bere, the country was reduced to servitude, with an obligation to prop up the oligarchy and their cronies. At one time, Mugabe even confessed to US$15 billion of diamond money disappearing. “Pese apa, pese apa/Ndokubereka kumusana” (All this time, I strap and carry you on my back).

This could be a subtle reference to tenders, minerals and the prime land which those in power have converted to personal possessions, while the rest of the population languishes in stinging poverty. Tuku adds: “Uchinditengera fuko/Ndichiri kurarama” (you are buying me a covering cloth while I’m still alive).

The conversation between the woman and bere has now entered the no-holds-barred territory. Fuko, in the culture of the Shona people, is a white piece of cloth used to cover a dead person at burial. Ironically, though, the woman confesses to being still alive.

With symbolism, Tuku tears into Zimbabwe’s despotic regime, accusing it of burying the nation alive, so to speak. Since independence in 1980, universal suffrage in Zimbabwe has been allowed, though allegations are widespread that results are mostly subverted by the ruling Zanu PF cabal, in cahoots with the
Zimbabwe Electoral Commission. Against this backdrop, Tuku depicts Zimbabweans as “dead-men-alive”, only with an appearance of being independent, while they are without freedom in metaphysical and substantial form.

In Bere Radya Munhu, Tuku also fires potshots at the dictator’s rapacity, upbraiding his relentless desire for intercourse, despite the “woman” raising complaints that she was now overstretched: “Wanikeni ndogomera/Ndiye tatara-tatara” (Now I’m groaning and staggering). This is symbolic of someone running out of breath.

Zimbabwe’s predatory leadership, since independence from Britain, has urged austerity among the citizenry, while they and their cronies live like royalty.

But the woman, who now feels wasted, can no longer stand by and watch. It is now more pragmatic to let go and allow the “marriage” to descend into anarchy, immediately calling for divorce: “Handichazvigona/Hatichazvikwanisawe” (I can’t take this anymore).

In November 2017, Zimbabwe came to such a turning point, with the nation serving divorce papers on Mugabe. At this juncture, Tuku leaves the multitude of his
Zimbabwean listeners in suspense, and pondering on whether there is going to be another Second Coming for the oppressed people of Zimbabwe.
Only time will tell.

By Garikai Mafirakureva

THREE Gonarezhou Conservation Partnership employees will this weekend participate in one of the world’s charity marathons run over a distance of 42km to fundraise for animal conservation.

The event was introduced in 1981 and is now known as the Virgin Money London Marathon.

Gonarezhou Conservation Partnership is a partnership between the Zimbabwe Parks and Wildlife Management Authority and the Frankfurt Zoological Society (FSZ).

Promise Kanuka, who is from Malipati, Victor Gutu, from Chomupani, both employed as game rangers, and Michael Hlengani, from Chambuta, employed as motor mechanic, on Wednesday left for London as the park continues to engage the community and uplift the lives of villagers around it.

According to Gonarezhou Conservation Partnership director Hugo van der Westhuizen, despite the trip being for fundraising, it is also meant to boost employee morale and strengthen their relationship with communities around the park.

Westhuizen said the park was constantly engaging with the Tshangani community, which is now providing a large chunk of the manpower and various other services.

“This is meant to fundraise for many projects around this park, but on the other hand, it is meant to motivate our employees,” he said.

“Last year, Thomas Mbiza and I participated in the marathon, in which we were fundraising for rhinos and we all managed to complete it. This year, our team has grown bigger and we hope next year it will be even bigger.”

The race was founded by the former Olympic champion and journalist, Chris Brasher and athlete, John Disley.

By Brenna Matendere

AMALGAMATED Rural Teachers’ Union of Zimbabwe (Artuz) leaders are preparing a lawsuit against government after they have gone for three months without salaries.

The salaries were withheld by the Public Service Commission after the mid-January fuel price hike
protests.

Artuz president Obert Masaraure, secretary-general Robson Chere and the union’s Mashonaland West chairperson Munyaradzi Ndawana were arrested for taking part
in the protests in January and consequently did not report for duty since they were in detention.

The PSC went on to stop their salaries on the basis of absenteeism.

Advocate Hopwell Chitima, the Artuz lawyer, confirmed the planned lawsuit.

“I have been briefed by my clients to take legal action against their employer, who has unfairly withheld their salaries. I am just waiting for some backing
documents before filing the court application,” he said.

Masaraure said families of the union’s leaders have hit hard times as a result.

“The families of these teachers are failing to access basic goods such as food, clothes, shelter and transport to work, among others, like healthcare and paying school fees for their children. Actually, when schools open next term, their children will not be able to go there because of financial constraints
deliberately brought by the employer,” he said.

“If a teacher, who is earning a salary, can fail to meet basic living expenses, what about one who is going to work, but not being paid for about three
months?”

Masaraure revealed that efforts to engage the employer amicably had failed, hence the move to go to court.

“We have been pursuing dialogue with the employer to resolve the impasse, but nothing is coming out. That is why we have engaged our lawyer to take legal action,” he said.