Brian Nichols

Blessed with abundant mineral resources, rich farmlands, ideal weather, stunning national parks, and a well-educated, industrious people, Zimbabwe should be the economic powerhouse and the breadbasket of southern Africa, and even more popular as a tourist destination and business investment opportunity, as it once was.

What then, is holding Zimbabwe back? It’s not sanctions. There are only 141 Zimbabwean people and companies on the United States sanctions’ list. That’s right, just 141, in a country of 16 million. They are on the list for good reason. These are people who have engaged in corruption, committed human rights abuses, and undermined Zimbabwe’s democratic process. Blaming sanctions is a convenient scapegoat to distract the public from the real reasons behind Zimbabwe’s economic challenges —corruption, economic mismanagement, and failure to respect human rights and uphold the rule of law.

There is no United States trade embargo on Zimbabwe. American companies are interested in investing in Zimbabwe but are deterred by the massive levels of corruption, economic uncertainty, and weak rule of law. So, investors turn to other promising opportunities in the region and wait for the country to embrace the political and economic reforms that would make it a more attractive destination.

The greatest sanctions on Zimbabwe are the limitations the country imposes on itself. Zimbabwe is ranked 160 out of 175 nations on Transparency International’s corruption list.

Zimbabwe loses more than US$1 billion per year to corruption. That’s huge compared to the size of Zimbabwe’s entire economy — around US$26 billion. The government says fighting corruption is a priority but have government and government-connected perpetrators been held accountable? No. If the country’s laws were evenly applied and enforced, government coffers would be full and the economy would be humming; tax revenue and foreign exchange would not leak from the Treasury, and government would recover some of the money that has made a privileged few extremely wealthy. It’s not sanctions, it’s corruption.

The most conspicuous example is the more than US$2,8 billion missing from command agricultural subsidies. Who has benefited? Where is the accountability? Up to 50% of the population faces food insecurity and hospitals lack basic supplies, life-saving medicine, and medical equipment. The money missing from the agricultural subsidies could help many Zimbabweans in need. The government should be working to get this money back into its coffers. It’s not sanctions, it’s graft.

An American firm won the tender for the construction of the Dema Power plant in 2016, but the government cancelled the contract and awarded it to Sakunda Holdings, which had not even placed a bid. This type of corruption damages Zimbabwe’s reputation and drives away investors who want to be sure the rules apply to everyone. It’s not sanctions, it’s dishonest dealings. The Zimbabwe National Road Administration (Zinara) is unable to account for US$25 million. How many roads could Zinara have repaired with this money? How much clean water could have been provided? It’s not sanctions, it’s stunning mismanagement.

The Zimbabwe Electricity Distribution Company (ZETDC), a subsidiary of Zimbabwe Electricity Supply Authority (ZESA), paid US$4,9 million to Pito Investments for transformers in 2010. The transformers were never delivered. Similarly, the Zimbabwe Power Company paid 196 064 South African rand to York Investments for gas that was never delivered, and US$67 000 for coal that was never delivered. Corruption is at the heart of why Zimbabweans are suffering through prolonged power outages. It’s not sanctions, it’s a betrayal of the public trust.

The Zimbabwe School Examinations Council (ZIMSEC) paid US$3,1 million for a printing machine in 2016. Zimsec then failed to pay a balance of US$1,3 million, which delayed the machine’s delivery and commissioning. As a result, Zimsec had to later pay approximately US $2,2 million to outsource the printing of examinations in 2017. How many textbooks or computers could the Ministry of Education have purchased with the lost US$2,2 million and funds tied up in an incomplete purchase? It’s not sanctions; it’s dereliction of duty.

The Civil Aviation Authority of Zimbabwe, which the Auditor-General’s report described as insolvent, paid for furniture at the JM Nkomo International Airport in Bulawayo that was never delivered.

The list goes on.

The pattern is clear.

The government allocates taxpayer funds for goods and services that are never delivered because the very same funds are disbursed into someone’s private account.

There are people getting rich, many of them Zimbabwe’s political elites, as the economy continues to deteriorate around them and the Zimbabwean people suffer from crippling shortages of food, electricity, clean water and medicine. It’s not sanctions, it’s unmitigated greed.

Seventeen people died during mass protests in January. There were 17 reports of rape or sexual assault and police arrested more than 1 000 people in dragnet arrests in January and February. All of these reports allege police or military officers were the offenders. It’s not sanctions, it’s State-sanctioned violence.

The United States wants Zimbabwe to succeed. Since 1980, the United States has contributed US$3,2 billion in assistance to the Zimbabwean people, and is the country’s largest bilateral donor in health and humanitarian assistance to the population.

We will continue to support the President’s Emergency Plan for AIDS Relief (PEPFAR) in Zimbabwe, which has brought the country to the cusp of HIV epidemic control, despite the aforementioned challenges. Thanks to United States government investments in PEPFAR and the Global Fund, over 1,1 million Zimbabweans are on life-saving HIV treatment. Our embassy will continue to work with partners in Zimbabwe to overcome the persistent threats of malaria, cholera, and tuberculosis affecting the Zimbabwean people, and step in and help them even if the government does not.

The United States is also the largest bilateral donor of emergency humanitarian assistance in Zimbabwe. The United States provided nearly US$8 million in Cyclone Idai relief. We contributed US$86,9 million in 2019-2020 lean season food assistance which is feeding more than a million food-insecure people. Today’s growing food need is a direct result of the government’s corruption and mismanagement, which turned the breadbasket of Africa into a country much of whose population requires international food aid.

But the United States government supports the Zimbabwean people and will continue to help ensure they do not starve.

The Zimbabwean government has set the goal of becoming a middle-income country.

To get there, the government should fulfil its promises of upholding the rule of law, fighting corruption, respecting human rights, and fully implementing Zimbabwe’s 2013 Constitution.

Progress on these goals is the path forward to prosperity and deeper engagement with the United States and the international community.

Our targeted sanctions are not responsible for Zimbabwe falling tragically short of its potential. The fault lies in catastrophic mismanagement by those in power and the government’s abuse of its own citizens.

BY VENERANDA LANGA

THERE was drama in the National Assembly yesterday, which resulted in Zengeza West MP Job Sikhala (MDC Alliance) losing his temper and angrily labelling the Speaker of the National Assembly Jacob Mudenda “a dictator”, adding that he was “turning Parliament into a kangaroo House” due to his rulings which were against opposition legislators.

Tempers flared after Justice minister Ziyambi Ziyambi and the Speaker barred main opposition MDC legislators from asking ministers questions relating to President Emmerson Mnangagwa’s State of the Nation Address (Sona).

They said opposition MPs could not debate Mnangagwa’s Sona since they boycotted the address early this month.

What triggered the melee was when Proportional Representation MP Jasmine Toffa (MDC Alliance) asked Public Service minister Sekai Nzenza why the aged, sick and other vulnerable people were asked to pay for transport in order to receive food aid.

Instead of Nzenza responding to the question, Ziyambi interjected and said: “In terms of our Constitution, there is a Cabinet appointed by the President with a collective responsibility. In terms of the same Constitution, there is a Legislature constituting of MPs and the President who appointed Cabinet. If they (MDC) do not recognise the President, then they cannot extend a question and expect an answer from a minister appointed by the President.”

Mudenda then buttressed Ziyambi’s points and he ruled that the Justice minister’s assertions would stand and Zanu PF MPs cheered.

Norton MP Temba Mliswa (Independent) then tried to stand with the MDC legislators, saying that they had already been punished enough after the Speaker ruled last month that they would lose five months’ allowances for snubbing Mnangagwa. Mudenda ignored Mliswa’s point of order.

The Speaker ordered Toffa out of the House, and when she refused, Mudenda then sent the seargeant-at-arms Nicholas Marufu to eject her out of the chamber.

MDC MPs then cordoned off Toffa and vowed that she would not go out as they challenged the Speaker and Ziyambi’s ruling barring them from participating during question-and-answer sessions.

Police stationed at Parliament Building were then unleashed on the MDC legislators to forcefully eject Toffa, but she was heavily cordoned off by her colleagues, who also shouted at the police telling them that they were not allowed inside Parliament and must leave. The police then left after noticing that the situation might result in ugly scenes.

Seeing that the Speaker would not budge, Sikhala became highly emotional and he started shouting at the Speaker after he tried to raise a point of order and was denied.

“Having shown that you do not want to hold this institution as a democracy, you have reduced this Parliament to a kangaroo Parliament. I and my MPs tried to raise a point of order on the constitutionality of your ruling, but you have denied us. As a result, I withdraw my sympathy for you for what happened to you when you were eating ice cream (in Serbia). You are turning this institution into a dictatorial institution,” Sikhala charged.

“You are torturing our MPs on a daily basis. It is not allowed. Why are you abusing us? We are not kids.”

In Serbia, Mudenda was accosted while dining by a ZimEye journalist, who accused him of being undemocratic and asking him why he cut allowances for MDC legislators for snubbing the President.

Mudenda warned Sikhala to respect his authority as the chair, but Sikhala dug in.

“I used to have huge respect for you, but today, that honour has reduced to a quarter. You have disappointed me Mr Speaker.”

Mudenda responded: “I cannot accept to be challenged by an MP. I ask you to leave the House.”

Sikhala then cooled down and apologised to Mudenda and later he left, leaving Mutare Central MP Innocent Gonese to challenge the Speaker demanding constitutional clarity as to the basis of his ruling to bar the opposition from asking questions.

Gonese demanded that the Speaker explains the implication as to whether this would mean that the opposition MPs were now barred from debating motions and Bills before Parliament.

Mudenda refused to respond to him and he ruled that the opposition chief whip Prosper Mutseyami and Zanu PF chief whip Pupurai Togarepi had reached an agreement over the issue,
which Mutseyami was supposed to communicate to the opposition.

The Speaker then ordered questions without notice to resume and left, leaving acting Speaker William Mutomba to preside over the House.

Mliswa then asked Mutomba to explain how the written questions would proceed as most were from members of the opposition and the ministers were not around to respond to them.
He then started shouting at the few ministers present, saying their counterparts were letting down Mnangagwa by truancy.

Mliswa then moved towards Zanu PF benches, where he pointed at ministers and MPs, labelling them G40 members who were sabotaging Mnangagwa by failing to attend Parliament.

Sensing that the situation was getting out of hand, Ziyambi then moved for the adjournment of the House, and Zanu PF MPs left, leaving their MDC counterparts singing “Chamisa, Chamisa”.

opinion

IF there is one thing Zimbabwe can ill afford at this critical moment in time, it is a public holiday. A holiday, by its very simple definition is “an extended period of leisure and recreation, especially one spent away from home or in travelling”.

So it boggles the mind when President Emmerson Mnangagwa and his esteemed Cabinet see it prudent to declare a holiday on October 25 just to allow some ruling apparatchiks to vent their frustration at being shackled by sanctions.

What also defies logic is: Why are we as a nation wasting so much precious time, money and energy demonstrating against the United States and European Union sanctions slapped on some individuals and entities when there are many other prosperous nations out there willing and able to help us ride out of this debilitating socio-economic quagmire?

This is Russia’s first real bold move to announce superpowers’ return to Africa. We hear that more than 50 African leaders and 3 000 delegates have been invited.
anctions which were invited upon us by the late former President Robert Mugabe.

If America and the EU don’t want to befriend us because of our bad human rights reputation, why are Mnangagwa and company dragging us into a useless fight? Is it not more judicious for him to gather the troubled nation of Zimbabwe and tell it that this is the time to put our shoulders to the wheel and work for the prosperity of this country because there are new friends out there willing and able to help us rise from the doldrums.

This holiday will only serve to make us look like fools and will completely disrupt an already disorderly environment of strikes and non-productivity. In coming up with the idea of a holiday on October 25, did the government ever spare a thought for the thousands of children who are currently sitting for their final examinations? It sounds as if this was just a rushed, off the cuff kind of decision made for political expediency.

business reporter

South African supermarket retailer Pick n Pay Stores Ltd posted a 9,5% rise in first-half earnings, with strong growth in its core domestic operations outweighing challenges in Zambia and Zimbabwe.

Pick n Pay, which also sells clothes, said comparable headline earnings per share (HEPS) for the 26 weeks ended September 1 rose to 85,03 cents from a restated 77,67 cents a year earlier.

Reported HEPS, which includes the impact of hyperinflation accounting in Zimbabwe, rose 17,5%.

“At the core of our results is a very strong performance from our South Africa division,” group chief executive Richard Brasher said in a statement.

“In this environment, retailers have found it difficult to balance their two key objectives: delivering solid sales growth while maintaining profit margins. I am very pleased that we have succeeded in growing both our sales and our profits.”

Pick n Pay, like its peers, has cut prices in order to attract highly cost-conscious shoppers and cope with the difficult trading conditions that have hit other retailers at home amid a sluggish economy.

Comparable group turnover grew 6%, with like-for-like sales growth of 2,9%. Trading profit rose 12,5% to R1,2 billion ($81,4 million).

In South Africa, where it has more than 1 600 stores, Pick n Pay delivered comparable sales growth of 6,5%, with like-for-like turnover growth of 3,5%.

In the rest of Africa, reported earnings, which include the hyperinflation accounting, were down 79,8% year-on-year, reflecting difficult conditions in Zimbabwe, it said.

“Economic conditions in Zimbabwe have been particularly difficult, with businesses and consumers grappling with political and social instability, high levels of inflation, currency devaluation and shortages of staple goods and services,” Pick n Pay said. — Reuters

BY BRIDGET MANANAVIRE

A COURT application by an aggrieved prisoner’s family has exposed some of the brutality and ill-treatment being endured by inmates at some of the country’s correctional facilities.

Charles Meda said his brother Nyasha Ndangarazi was brutally assaulted by about 10 prison officers using fists, kicks and baton sticks, on allegations of smuggling an MP3 player into his cell at Harare Central Remand Prison. It later turned out that the allegation was false.

As a result of the assault, Ndangarazi is now having trouble breathing, one of his feet is swollen and he has also developed back pain.

In an urgent chamber application filed at the Harare High Court by his lawyers, Denford Halimani and Idirashe Chikomba of Zimbabwe Lawyers for Human Rights (ZLHR), Meda is seeking an order to compel the Zimbabwe Prisons and Correctional Services (ZPCS) to allow his brother to get private medical attention and to declare the assault unlawful.

ZPCS Commissioner-General Paradzai Zimondi and Justice, Legal and Parliamentary Affairs minister Ziyambi Ziyambi were cited as first and second respondents, respectively, in the matter.
The case has also exposed the poor state of medical facilities in the country’s prisons.

“This matter is extremely urgent. My brother’s life is at stake because of the fast rate that his health is fading away,” Meda said in his affidavit.

“I visited him yesterday (Thursday October 10 2019) and my heart sank.

“His leg continues to swell to the extent that he no longer feels anything when you press it because the nerves and veins were affected by the assault.

“The prison doctor and State doctor have both recommended that he be urgently attended to at a private hospital facility.

“He is also having trouble in breathing as well. He was complaining that whenever he inhales deeply he feels a sharp pain which pierces through his chest.

“This is a problem that he started experiencing recently. This problem needs expert examination and proper treatment and cannot be solved by painkillers.”

“Furthermore, what alarmed me the most about Nyasha’s condition is that he also divulged to me that he was now urinating blood.

“This is an indicator of a kidney problem that a doctor at Harare Hospital detected.

“It seems they want to drag their feet as long as they can, hoping that my brother will heal naturally. Unfortunately, this is not the case. The opposite is happening.”

Meda added: “Nyasha is in so much pain that he is now in despair and has been saying lately that it is better for him to die than to live everyday, while the system watches his foot rot from an act of their own doing.

“My greatest fear is that this inhumane treatment, if unrectified might result in the eventual death of my brother, or if he is fortunate enough to survive, he will be paralysed and a terminal patient on dialysis.”

In an August 30 letter to ZPCS, ZLHR accused 10 prison guards identified as Mhene, Nyambuya, Jakara, Mupambi and the Member-in-Charge of committing the brutal assault.

“He was assaulted on August 13, 2019 for allegedly being in possession of an MP3 player. It was later discovered that this was a wrong assumption and that the assault was unwarranted,” the lawyers said.

In response, ZPCS said it would investigate the matter and denied they had barred Ndangarazi’s visitors from seeing him.

According to a certificate of urgency by the lawyers, Ndangarazi now has to be carried around by fellow inmates to the toilet, bathroom or attend to his visitors because he can no longer walk on his own.

“The injuries sustained were and are grave that the said inmate cannot walk. In fact, two months after assault the inmate has to be carried around by fellow inmates in order for him to visit the ablution facilities. The ZPCS does not appear bothered at all,” the lawyers wrote.

“Following the beating, the inmate sought medical assistance within the prisons medical facilities, but this was systematically denied or delayed presumably in a futile attempt to cover up the savage assault.

“When the prison doctor eventually attended to him, he referred the inmate to Harare Hospital where another State doctor recommended him to visit a private medical facility for urgent medical treatment.”

The lawyers said an X-ray scan showed that Ndangarazi’s veins were damaged during the assault, but he was only being given painkillers.

BY SHARON SIBINDI

RISING Bulawayo-based imbube outfit Ukukhanya Kwezwe is ecstatic after scooping the Best Isichathamiya Music Group award at the just-ended Amagugu Music Awards held at the Eastern Cape, South Africa.

The group leader and composer Mayibongweinkosi Madihwa confirmed the developments to NewsDay Life & Style yesterday.

“The group visited Eastern Cape last year where we attended the National Arts Festival and the people loved what we presented to them. Then in February this year, they sent forms for nomination and we got nominated,” he said.

“We were the only Zimbabwean group nominated among the eight groups. Two groups remained and we were part of it and in July we went for the finals. Then the winners were announced last week when we went to South Africa to attend the award ceremony. We were presented the award and medals for each member in the group.”

Madihwa said they felt honoured to win the award against stiff competition.

“As the group we are so excited, it is not easy to come first in a foreign land. This also is a birthmark to the group and we strive to aim high. We also learnt a lot from other groups like how to market our music well. We cherish the moment and time we got as we feel this exposure has become an eye opener to the group,” he said.

Madihwa said he believes that hard work and perseverance made them win the award.

“We really pushed hard and utilised all the social media networks which helped us in scoring high. We went to the radio stations and we asked fans to vote for us and we would like to thank the fans who supported us through this,” he added.

Imbube genre is slowly beginning to gain recognition although still facing challenges like lack of promoters as well as support.

Cliff Chiduku

IN Proverbs 13:20, King Solomon, the biblical wisest man ever, wrote: “He that walketh with wise men shall be wise, but a companion of fools shall be destroyed.”

To Solomon, walking with a person implies admiration and attachment; and it is impossible not to imitate those we love.

Similarly, it is said: “Let me know the company he keeps, and I shall easily guess his moral character.”

Our current friends define who we are. A friend is someone we choose to spend time and associate with. The people we choose to be around with shape our personality — the way we think, speak and perceive the world.

Whether we are aware of it or not, the people we choose to pay attention to and consider friends frame our reality. They are a barometer of what is normal, what is possible. Dan Pena could have been right when he said: “Show me your friends and I will show you your future.”

When the new dispensation chose to befriend countries with a poor human rights record such as Uganda, Rwanda and Belarus, some of us knew that Zimbabwe had taken a longer route to freedom.

The recent crackdown on opposition leaders and the media in Uganda is clear as crystal that the east central African country is slowly and surely sinking into anarchy.

Led by Yoweri Museveni, once hailed as a freedom fighter and liberator, the President, who has ruled Uganda since 1986, is turning into an autocratic leader, bent on silencing the opposition and civic society activists in his unbridled quest to retain power.

Uganda is one country that President Emmerson Mnangagwa has befriended since he assumed the top post in the wake of a November 2017 coup. Museveni was in the country to officially open the Zimbabwe International Trade Fair in Bulawayo in April.

In a gesture of a good turn deserves another, Mnangagwa was the only head of State and government who graced Uganda’s 57th independence anniversary celebrations held a fortnight ago.

Mnangagwa was accorded the highest honour in Uganda of the Most Excellent Order of the Pearl of Africa, The Grand Master, in “recognition of his contribution to the liberation of Zimbabwe and other southern African countries”.

Museveni spoke glowingly of Mnangagwa, who he described as a “visionary, pragmatist, pan-Africanist, peacemaker and unifier”, who is committed to improving the quality of life of the people of Zimbabwe. The chase for narrow interests and intolerance to divergent views — especially from the opposition activists and civil society organisation — have tainted Museveni’s image in the eyes of both Ugandans and the international community.

Events unfolding in Uganda for the past decades are a clear proof that absolute power corrupt absolutely. Uganda is a good example of how some leaders hurt their own people out of fear of being chucked out of State House.

In July, Mnangagwa was criticised for spending scarce resources in attending Rwanda’s 25th commemorations to mark the end of genocide at a time Zimbabwe was literally burning. Mnangagwa was trying to emulate his Rwandese counterpart Paul Kagame’s economic development model, which blends authoritarian practices and home-grown solutions with international best practices.

Last month, opposition leaders in Rwanda raised a red flag over their safety, following another murder of a prominent opposition activist, even though the government denied any wrongdoing. Rights activists believe the killings, abductions, torture and disappearance of opposition activists were politically-motivated and warned that many more would die under the regime which is described as a dictatorship.

Mnangagwa was in Belarus where he opened a consulate in Minsk in January. President Alexander Lukashenko has been ruling Belarus with an iron fist since 1994.

The country has faced sanctions owing to its poor human rights record. Belarus is one of the least democratic countries in Europe, and is Europe’s only country that still has the death penalty on its statutes. Minsk has been generous to Zimbabwe as it supplied Zupco buses to ease transport woes.

Mnangagwa is a secret admirer of Museveni, Lukashenko and Kagame. These three leaders have striking similarities — they all rule their countries with an iron fist. At one time, Lukashenko boasted that it was “better to be a dictator than gay” when responding to criticism over the country’s poor human rights record.

After November 2017, despite being held in high regard within the international community, where he had goodwill, Mnangagwa will nonetheless go down the annals of history as a liberator who betrayed his people and a leader who knew what needed to be done, but chose to look the other way.

Currently, uncertainty looms with regard to where Zimbabwe is heading. The country is heading nowhere fast. Rampant corruption in virtually all government institutions continues unabated. The Auditor-General Mildred Chiri’s reports are testimony to this.

More often, police and the military officers, armed to the teeth, are unleashed on peaceful demonstrators, who are exercising their constitutional right to register their anger on how the country is being administered.

Tear smoke canisters and water cannons have been imported in large quantities, while consumables and drugs are out of stock in local hospitals.

Roads are dilapidated, hospitals have only become worse and even the HIV/Aids successes have stalled.

To imagine the country has run out of life-saving anti-retrovial drugs barely two weeks after Zimbabwe “pledged” US$1 million to the Global Fund is confounding.

In Uganda, the dozen arrests of a renowned musician and opposition activists, Robert Kyagulanyi, popularly known as Bobi Wine, at the instigation of the country’s chief executive is a pointer to how far Museveni will go to consolidate his grip on power.

Bobi Wine was last year arrested after Museveni’s motorcade was “attacked” by unknown people.

The government critic was later arraigned before a military court and charged for illegal possession of arms, a charge which was condemned by the international community as politically-motivated.

When Bobi Wine came to Zimbabwe in May this year, he was detained and interrogated by State security agents at the Robert Gabriel Mugabe International Airport.

Boby Wine had been invited to preside as guest of honour at Nelson Chamisa-led MDC congress in Gweru on May 26. That such repressive regimes worldwide are interconnected is an open secret.

These traits are also found in Mnanagwa, who has been working towards entrenching his rule by using legislative and constitutional amendments.

In an interview with State media recently, Mnangagwa’s Justice minister Ziyambi Ziyambi revealed that the Executive was toying around with the idea of amending the Constitution so that the President is not compelled to select a running mate. The running mate clause was introduced in the 2013 Constitution, but was suspended for 10 years. However, the clause will take effect in the 2023 elections.

“Another amendment has to do with removing the running mate clause,” Ziyambi said.

Mnangagwa seems afraid of upsetting the applecart in Zanu PF by appointing a running mate, who would naturally take over from him in case of incapacitation, resignation or death without necessarily going through the party selection processes. Mnangagwa is looking beyond 2023, no wonder he told he world that 2030 ndenge ndichipo (2030 I will still be around).

Mnangagwa’s conscience may have died, but he knows that democracy, equality, good governance and Zimbabwe is open for business mantra he preached now look somewhat awkward.

The Zanu PF government should shake off the old self and seek new friends, who can influence Zimbabwe to adopt international best practices in terms of governance so that Zimbabwe can be readmitted back into the family of nations.

Mnangagwa squandered the goodwill he had in November 2017, thanks to his power retention shenanigans. Surely, Mnangagwa is not only Museveni, Kagame and Lukashenko’s best friend, but their good student.

Rising Bulawayo based gospel musician Engineer Panganai Muvhunzwi is elated about launching his fourth album titled Epikaizo set for release on 28 November this year.

Speaking about the album Muvhunzwi said he was talking about God’s mind upon his people, focusing on Jesus Christ as the one and only so that God will raise the standard in what he has termed the ‘kingdom mentality’.

“ I am a musician with unique if not rare principles, l don’t record an album because we are in another year but l record according to Lord’s voice so if he keeps quiet that means I have to be silent too. This has kept me going and I am so pleased that I managed to keep my own lane” he said

The title of the album Epikaizo is a Greek word that means the manifestation of heaven on earth.

“I am so hopeful that this album will have an impact on many people’s lives. My last album did quite well with songs such as Kupenya having a favourable airplay on different radio stations. On Radio Zimbabwe chats it lasted for at least six months” he said

Speaking on how his track corroborates with the current socio-economic issues Muvhunzwi said nothing is impossible with God and above all there’s always light at the end of every tunnel.

“With our current socio-economic issues I have managed to reflect on this era, I know nothing is impossible with God, these socio-economic ills reflects that something good is coming and above all God’s hand is about to be felt with something amazing on its way” he said
“I also want to allude my salutations to Baba Charles Charamba, Blessing Shumba and Mathias Mhere. These people have been my source of inspiration and I look up to them as great gospel artistes” he added

The album launch will be graced by Bulawayo Metropolitan state Minister Judith Ncube, Mayor Solomon Mguni, MDC national organiser Thabita Khumalo and also the deputy Mayor Tinashe Kambarami.

The album was recorded by a variety of producers that include lyton Ngolomi from Harare,Olin from Mutare ,Danmag and BMC based in Bulawayo.

BY CHARLES LAITON

Former Mazowe Estate residents who were evicted from their land to pave way for the expansion of late former President Robert Mugabe’s family business, Gushungo Holdings (Pvt) Ltd, have made a beeline to the High Court seeking to evict the ex-First Family’s business from their properties.

On Monday this week, another Mazowe miner, Ngoni Mutopo, who is one of the victims who were chased away from his operation, petitioned the court seeking an order to interdict Gushungo Holdings from barring him to access his gold mining claims.

Mutopo’s application came two weeks after another miner Langton Chapungu, also petitioned the High Court seeking eviction of Grace Mugabe together with two other individuals only identified in court papers as Tongai and Jemwa from Mazowe Citrus Estate.

In his application, Mutopo, accused Gushungo Holdings of interfering with his operations.

“The applicant (Mutopo) was unlawfully chased from his two blocks of mines Iron Mask 68 and 69 in Iron Mask Estate in Mazowe, where he has been lawfully mining and is being denied the right by the respondent (Gushungo Holdings), who is acting unlawfully and without a court order authorising him to act in that manner,” Mutopo said in his papers.

“The applicant’s ore on the mining site is being stolen by illegal panners who are working in cahoots with the respondent’s employees. The applicant is being prejudiced by the respondent’s unlawful actions, hence is seeking urgent relief.”

Since Mugabe’s ouster from office in November 2017, the former First Family has never enjoyed peace following several lawsuits against them mainly by those whose land was allegedly seized by the once powerful family.

In his application, Chapungu accused Grace, Tongai and Jemwa of interfering with his farming activities at his plot.

“The first and second respondents (Tongai and Jemwa) are doing illegal mining activities in my plot and the third respondent (Grace) is also doing her farming activities in that same plot of mine, to an extent that she had even erected some structures at my place,” Chapungu said.

“The defendants have gone further threatening me with unspecified action if I continue disturbing them from their illegal activities in my plot. In spite of the demand to vacate, the defendants has refused and offered flimsy and fabricated reasons to justify their continued illegal stay at my place, leaving me with no option except to approach this honourable court for relief.”