Johannesburg — Kaizer Chiefs midfielder Willard Katsande is nearing the record of teammate Itumeleng Khune as he gears up for the upcoming back-to-back Soweto derbies.
Kickoff
Katsande could run out for his 24th consecutive derby appearance in this weekend’s Telkom Knockout quarter-final clash at Moses Mabhida Stadium in Durban, before adding another in next weekend’s Absa Premiership meeting.
Khune has featured in 27 derbies since making his debut for Amakhosi in 2007, but has missed a couple in recent years through injury.
Former club star Siphiwe Tshabalala, who remains without a club this season, holds the current record for most Soweto derby appearances, having featured in 31 consecutive clashes against Orlando Pirates prior to his departure from Naturena in July 2018.
Katsande, meanwhile, has never missed a competitive meeting with Pirates since his arrival from Ajax Cape Town back in 2011, with only Shabba having made more consecutive derby appearances for the club.
The 33-year-old Zimbabwean has since reflected on his journey in the biggest fixture on the PSL calendar and insists he is not targeting his former teammates’ record.
“I can’t say I’m eyeing Shabba’s record of 31 (derbies) because I’m just a poor boy coming from Zimbabwe and playing in these derbies are so special to me,” Katsande said.
“I’m just enjoying these moments, which is to be part of these kinds of games. When I sit down after I’ve retired, I’ll tell my grandkids that I was part and parcel of these Soweto derbies.”
I RECALL vividly President Emmerson Mnangagwa’s sentiments that were full of life, hope as he sought to depict a clear picture about the new trajectory the country was to take.
On his inauguration on November 24 2017, he categorically said: “Above all we must remember and realise that we hold and run this country in trust. It belongs to future generations whose possibilities we must not mortgage as a result of decisions of expediency we might selfishly make today out of fear and difficult choice of the decisions that have to be made.”
As young Zimbabweans, this provoked the wildest dreams we once had while growing up — but we later realised that they were just dreams which will remain imaginary. To us, Mnangagwa’s inauguration speech was news which we welcomed and assumed would enrich, uplift and empower persons with disabilities (PWDs) who had been relegated to a low status due to unfavourable living conditions in Zimbabwe. To us here was a leader who ushered in a transformative era of endless possibilities.
As young persons with disabilities we thought that his utterances were going to ensure that there is meaningful development which would uplift our lives as PWDs.
Again, in his speech after winning the 2018 harmonised elections, he reiterated that he would keep his promises after being declared the winner. To quote him, he said: “My administration will continue to prioritise the advancement and empowerment of women, youth, and the disabled in every sphere of the economy. We will make firm and deliberate efforts to strengthen their capacity to participate in the economy and governance of the country.”
Sadly, in the last 14 months, PWDs and other citizens have witnessed a wave of changes that have crippled the economy including austerity measures that precipitated suffering. Government says these austerity measures are the path to economic recovery.
These austerity measures have seriously affected PWDs, who can no longer afford the basics of life. What surprises us is that the President promised that he would advance and promote disability issues. The environment is so demeaning for persons with disabilities. Actually, children with disabilities are the most affected by these austerity measures.
Education for children with disabilities has become more or less a priviledge when it is actually supposed to be a human right.
The African Charter on Democracy, Elections and Governance (ACDEG) which Zimbabwe signed on March 2018 in article 43 (1) states that, “State parties shall endeavour to provide free and compulsory basic education to all – especially girls, rural inhabitants, minorities, PWDs and other marginalised social groups.” For a child with disabilities, the right and opportunity to acquire education is salvation from poverty. It is a catalyst for empowerment and development.
Zimbabwe’s population for PWDs stands at 7%, and 52% of children with disabilities have no access to education (UN report). The continued decline of the economy therefore has escalated the increase in percentage of children with disabilities that have no access to education. Parents face a plethora of challenges in a bid to ensure children with disabilities get an education because education is generally expensive. The rise in school fees, transport costs and erosion of incomes has affected children with disabilities the most.
Children with disabilities have less mobility and they are forced to use public transport (kombis) to get to school. This costs on average $80 per week and $320 per month and it is beyond the reach of many.
We, therefore, call upon the President to put in place strategies or policies to empower PWDs.
ACDEG further alludes to participation of PWDs in article 31 (1) which says, “State parties shall promote participation of social groups with special needs including the youth and people with disabilities in the governance process.” To ensure realisation of this, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and the Ministry of Justice must hasten the process of ratification and domestication of ACDEG. Budget allocation should also support the disadvantaged like PWDs. There is need to increase budget allocations to the Department of Social Welfare.
Zimcelebs Media Group in collaboration with Big Bass Studios has just introduced the Zimbabwean version of ‘Colors’ titled Ndipe Mic.
Zimcelebs Founders Tafadzwa Rusike Gondo & Lewis John who says they were insipired by the Hollywood Colours show thus giving birth to the Ndipe Mic version.
Colors Show is a Hollywood unique aesthetic music platform with diverse and exceptional artists from all around the globe.
Speaking about this new initiative Rusike said: “To be honest I was watching John Cena by Sho Madjozi and I pitched the idea to my partner and we just decided to try it out. We partnered with big bass studios and they are in charge of the production of the episodes”.
On how they decide who to put on the show, Rusike revealed that was no criteria on who will be on the show next but a matter of availability.
“Most of the artists in Zimbabwe are rarely available for new things like this. Vanoda kuzobatika chinhu chaputika (They only want to be available when something gets prominent). We have no criteria on who is going to be on next show but what we are trying to do is to create a gender balance on our shows. Also the show is for only unreleased material and Zimcelebs media group gets to release the material first” he added
So far Ti Gonzi, Garry Tight, Celscius, Faa and Poptain have been on the show and the Zimcelebs Duo promised to drop at least three episodes a week.
“We are hoping to drop at least three episodes per week and if God permits we want to take it to the next level. We are promising fireworks so if you are an artist who thinks his or her unreleased songs can blow, get in touch with us and we plan on best way we can work together.
The videos are shot and edited by Panda Glits from Big Bass and we have We Have Willis Musalad who does photoshoots of the artists. We owe Kudakwashe Manyore the Big Bass Studios Manager who came up with the deal” Rusike said
He also revealed that the Ndipe Mic sessions first batch will be for popular artists and the rest will cater for upcoming artists only.
“We want to promote new artists so the strategy is to start with big names so that people know about the program then we start introducing new artists. We are hoping to make this a big thing and if any corporates are interested in partnering with us they can get in touch with us on our email marketing@zimcelebsonline.co.zw we are willing to work with anyone who wishes to partner with us” he said
JAPAN has released US$2,7 million through the World Food Programme (WFP) to provide food to 28 500 people in 24 districts in Zimbabwe.
Speaking during the handover of Majerejere nutrition garden to the community in Tsenga ward, Mt Darwin yesterday, Japanese Ambassador to Zimbabwe, Toshiyuki Iwado said there was need to deal with food insecurity being fuelled by an economic meltdown among other things.
“Zimbabwe’s socio-economic challenges, coupled with poor growing seasons due to extreme weather conditions, have resulted in chronic food insecurity for many communities for years.
Donors including Japan have continued to provide support to the most food insecure communities in Zimbabwe,” he said.
Since 2016, Japan has funded projects amounting to US$10m, in the areas of food assistance and enhancing resilience of drought and flood-affected communities.
About seven million people are facing hunger in Zimbabwe with 5,5 million of them living in the rural areas.
Iwado said there was need for government to come up with tangible strategies to mitigate hunger.
“I strongly urge the Zimbabwe government to seriously tackle the issue of food insecurity and come up with ways of ensuring food security of its people,” he said.
This year, Japan has released a total of US$3,5m to WFP with the hunger alleviation projects being implemented in partnership with World Vision and Plan International.
WFP country director Eddie Rowe said: “The timely funding from this year, received in times of great need , have been crucial to our operational capacity amidst two climate-related disasters. We have also received assistance in maternal health care.”
The Japanese government has also been supporting the country’s agricultural sector by, for example, rehabilitating Nyakomba irrigation scheme in Manicaland province.
DEFENDING champions FC Platinum came from behind to beat Ngezi Platinum Stars at Mandava Stadium yesterday, a result that saw them closing the gap on log leaders Caps United to just two points.
After dropping six points in their last four matches, it looked like the Zvishavane side would surrender their title with a whimper.
But after yesterday’s result, aided by Caps United’s stuttering at the top, the Lizwe Sweswe coached side are firmly back in the title race.
They had to fight hard though to get the result after the visiting side had drawn first blood three minutes of play through Mandlenkosi Mlilo who nodded the ball home from a Donald Teguru cross.
The goal was cancelled out by Devon Chafa’s penalty after Ngezi Platinum defender Frank Mukarati was adjudged to have handled in the box.
Towering centre back Lawrence Mhlanga then put Pure Platinum Play ahead with a powerful header from a pin-point corner kick from the impressive Never Tigere on the 39th minute mark, a lead they defended stoutly until the end.
Sweswe heaved a sigh of relief at the final whistle as his side are back in the hunt for a third straight title.
“It was always going to be a tough game, but I am happy that we managed to grind a result,” Sweswe said.
“We conceded first, but we managed to bounce back and won the match. This also means that we are still in the right place to win the league, but it is still game on. I am happy with the fighting spirit shown by the boys today and I hope this continues until the final lap. There are still more games to be played so we must keep working hard until the league ends.”
His counterpart Rodwell Dhlakama was disappointed with the result.
“It’s always disappointing to lose when we play with so much passion. I am happy with the way we applied ourselves at the start of the game. We have potential to do better and I am sure that we will win our next games,” Dhlakama said
THREE people died on the spot, while two others were seriously injured when a pirate taxi they were travelling in overturned several times along Khami Road near Delta Beverages in Bulawayo early Sunday morning.
“The Toyota Wish vehicle was carrying five passengers moving at high speed along Khami Road. The driver, who was identified as Prince Ncube, lost control of the car at a curve and the vehicle overturned several times before landing on its side,” Simango said.
The deceased were identified as Prince Ncube (the driver), Mthulisi Dumani and Sikhumbuzo Ndlovu from Mpopoma suburb in Bulawayo.
“The other two people, Remington Ndlovu and Thabani (surname not given) sustained serious injuries and were rushed to the United Bulawayo Hospitals (UBH),” Simango said.
A CHIPINGE man was last week dragged to court for allegedly brutally assaulting his mother over witchcraft allegations.
When the accused, Nyasha Mutisi Musembu (25), of Siyakisa village under Chief Musikavanhu, appeared before Chipinge magistrate Joshua Nembaware facing a charge of physical abuse, he, however, denied the charge and was remanded out of custody to today.
In his defence, Musembu said: “I only confronted her asking about the issue of my children who are always ill. I did not assault her at all,” he said.
But Mangwanda (69) insisted that her son assaulted her with a log, accusing her of bewitching his children.
“He came to my homestead and started accusing me of bewitching his children. He picked up a log and started assaulting me all over the body until I passed out. I was only saved by two of his brothers. He wanted to kill me,” she said.
Prosecutor Shamiso Ncube told the court that the incident occurred on October 3.
Her two other sons, Dakarai and Innocent, later came to her rescue and took her for medical treatment before she made a police report.
Former Lands minister Douglas Mombeshora and his wife Millicent have lost their bid to claim co-ownership of a Borrowdale property which was bought by a Harare businessman, through a public auction conducted by the Sheriff of the High Court.
The couple was also slapped with costs of suit on a higher scale.
High Court judge Justice Owen Tagu recently ruled in favour of Tendai Jemwa, who had taken Mombeshora and his wife to court seeking a dismissal of the couple’s application in which they were seeking to be declared co-owners of stand number 80 Quinnington Drive, Borrowdale, Harare.
According to court papers, Jemwa’s application arose after the Mombeshoras approached the court in June this year, seeking an order declaring them co-owners after he locked them out of the disputed property.
However, after the Mombeshoras failed to pursue the matter, Jemwa approached the High Court and sought an order declaring that the former minister and his wife had failed to prosecute their application.
“Whereupon after reading documents filed of record it is ordered that; the court application under case number HC4685/2019 be and is hereby dismissed for want of prosecution. The first and second respondents to pay costs on legal practitioner client scale,” Justice Tagu ruled.
According to Jemwa, the property in question is known as Stand number 110 Quinnington Township of Subdivision K of Borrowdale Estate, commonly referred to as number 80 Quinnington Drive, Borrowdale, Harare.
In his affidavit, Mombeshora had earlier claimed that Jemwa was denying the couple permission to enter, use and enjoy the property despite him (Jemwa) being a 50% shareholder of the property in question which he bought through a public auction conducted by the sheriff. However, after filing the court papers, the Mombeshoras never pursued the matter, prompting Jemwa to approach the court seeking a dismissal of the bid.
“I (Jemwa) filed a notice of opposition together with opposing affidavits on June 19, 2019 as will morefully appear herein as annexure B, the respondents (the Mombeshoras) went on to file an answering affidavit on July 3, 2019 as will morefully appear herein as annexure C,” Jemwa said in his affidavit.
The businessman further said ever since they filed their answering affidavit, the Mombeshoras had not bothered to file heads of argument or set the matter down for hearing as a sign of their intention to have the matter finalised.
“The respondents have clearly failed to pursue their application to date as they are obliged to at law thus to ensure the finalisation of this matter, I hereby apply for dismissal of the respondents’ court application for a declaratory order under HC4685/19 for want of prosecution,” Jemwa submitted.
WHEN news filtered in that Zanu PF was planning to organise a march against sanctions, I and many others were apoplectic, there were more pressing issues that needed urgent attention rather than holding a demonstration that was not going to yield any results, we argued.
If Zanu PF needed sanctions removed, they knew what to do and that was to implement reforms, we pontificated.
It was a waste of taxpayers’ money, we went on.
With the benefit of hindsight, while these were legitimate concerns, we failed to look at the bigger picture and understand what the march was really about and it may have had precious little to do with sanctions.
I will get back to this point, please bear with me.
In 2007, former war veterans leader Jabulani Sibanda organised a march, which he dubbed the million-man march to express solidarity with the late former President Robert Mugabe.
Very few people were brave enough to confront Mugabe and Sibanda over this plan, but many were not happy about the march.
I remember interviewing Mugabe’s deputy then, the late Joseph Msika, who said he supported the President, but would not join the march.
Msika failed to read the nuances behind the march and instead read it face value.
My reading of it now is that Mugabe knew that the economy had tanked and that he was facing open resistance from some Zanu PF members and he wanted to put those dissenters in their place.
The million-man march was Mugabe’s way of telling the dissenters that he was still in charge and he was far more popular than them.
In short, the march was meant to demonstrate that he was Zanu PF’s best foot forward even during the party’s darkest moment.
Almost a decade later, in 2016, with the sprouting of social movements like This Flag, Mugabe once again felt under pressure and he countered in the way he knew best; another million-man march was organised.
Again, those opposed to the march looked at it at face value and criticised Mugabe and his party for wasting taxpayers’ money, among other issues.
A year later, the murmurs and discontent in Zanu PF were growing, Mugabe was ageing but still wanted to go on, yet the party was even more divided.
The faction that supported his then deputy and later his successor, President Emmerson Mnangagwa, was on the ropes, but were fighting back strongly.
Mugabe realised that his power was under threat and soon youth interface rallies were launched countrywide.
These rallies had little to do with the youth, but rather were a demonstration that Mugabe was still powerful and commanded lots of support.
He used the rallies to berate his enemies, real or imagined, with the final rally probably meant to finish off Mnangagwa politically.
It was a strategy that he had used to perfection and there was no way it would fail him, so he thought.
It had worked before, but this time it failed spectacularly and the penultimate youth interface rally in Bulawayo proved to be his Waterloo.
Now, back to the anti-sanctions march that we started with.
Mnangagwa is a student of Mugabe, politically at least.
For almost five decades he stood by Mugabe’s side and certainly learnt a lot from the former President.
It is only natural and expected that when confronted with problems, Mnangagwa’s default mode would be to try and solve them in the same way his predecessor would have done.
Just like in 2007, Zimbabwe is on the brink with a collapsing economy and almost non-existent social services.
The opposition to his rule is quite strong and there is open dissent.
There are also murmurs of deepening divisions within the ruling party and factions seem to be taking root again.
It feels like déjà vu; and how does Mnangagwa respond, by organising a march just as his predecessor did 12 years ago.
But instead of the numbers that Mugabe commanded, Mnangagwa spoke to a handful of supporters at the National Sports Stadium in Harare on Friday.
While the earlier million-man march emboldened Mugabe, Mnangagwa emerged from last Friday’s rally arguably weaker because of the low turnout and obvious lack of enthusiasm for the demonstration.
Declaring Friday a public holiday was meant to ensure that as many people as possible turned out for the demonstrations, but sadly this fizzled out into a damp squib and left Mnangagwa probably licking his wounds.
After Friday, it was probably hoped that all those opposed to Mnangagwa would be put in their place; that even with a disputed election outcome just over a year ago, the President remained popular with his supporters and that he was in control.
The rally was meant to project Mnangagwa as a strong and popular leader, who despite the problems the country and Zanu PF faced, was in command.
Instead, the rally may have achieved the opposite and his opponents have been emboldened as they may have spotted a chink in the armour.
It seems Mnangagwa and his party may have overestimated their support and in the process exposed themselves.
Bureaucrats may put on brave faces and say they achieved their goals with the Friday rally, but in reality they know they are weaker than they were a day before.
Friday’s rally was meant to be similar in terms of size, reach and impact as Mugabe’s 2007 million-man-march, but instead it had echoes of his last youth interface rally in Bulawayo, where his wife Grace was jeered.
This is not the end for Mnangagwa, but a steep political slope has just become even steeper.
WHEN news filtered in that Zanu PF was planning to organise a march against sanctions, I and many others were apoplectic, there were more pressing issues that needed urgent attention rather than holding a demonstration that was not going to yield any results, we argued.
If Zanu PF needed sanctions removed, they knew what to do and that was to implement reforms, we pontificated.
It was a waste of taxpayers’ money, we went on.
With the benefit of hindsight, while these were legitimate concerns, we failed to look at the bigger picture and understand what the march was really about and it may have had precious little to do with sanctions.
I will get back to this point, please bear with me.
In 2007, former war veterans leader Jabulani Sibanda organised a march, which he dubbed the million-man march to express solidarity with the late former President Robert Mugabe.
Very few people were brave enough to confront Mugabe and Sibanda over this plan, but many were not happy about the march.
I remember interviewing Mugabe’s deputy then, the late Joseph Msika, who said he supported the President, but would not join the march.
Msika failed to read the nuances behind the march and instead read it face value.
My reading of it now is that Mugabe knew that the economy had tanked and that he was facing open resistance from some Zanu PF members and he wanted to put those dissenters in their place.
The million-man march was Mugabe’s way of telling the dissenters that he was still in charge and he was far more popular than them.
In short, the march was meant to demonstrate that he was Zanu PF’s best foot forward even during the party’s darkest moment.
Almost a decade later, in 2016, with the sprouting of social movements like This Flag, Mugabe once again felt under pressure and he countered in the way he knew best; another million-man march was organised.
Again, those opposed to the march looked at it at face value and criticised Mugabe and his party for wasting taxpayers’ money, among other issues.
A year later, the murmurs and discontent in Zanu PF were growing, Mugabe was ageing but still wanted to go on, yet the party was even more divided.
The faction that supported his then deputy and later his successor, President Emmerson Mnangagwa, was on the ropes, but were fighting back strongly.
Mugabe realised that his power was under threat and soon youth interface rallies were launched countrywide.
These rallies had little to do with the youth, but rather were a demonstration that Mugabe was still powerful and commanded lots of support.
He used the rallies to berate his enemies, real or imagined, with the final rally probably meant to finish off Mnangagwa politically.
It was a strategy that he had used to perfection and there was no way it would fail him, so he thought.
It had worked before, but this time it failed spectacularly and the penultimate youth interface rally in Bulawayo proved to be his Waterloo.
Now, back to the anti-sanctions march that we started with.
Mnangagwa is a student of Mugabe, politically at least.
For almost five decades he stood by Mugabe’s side and certainly learnt a lot from the former President.
It is only natural and expected that when confronted with problems, Mnangagwa’s default mode would be to try and solve them in the same way his predecessor would have done.
Just like in 2007, Zimbabwe is on the brink with a collapsing economy and almost non-existent social services.
The opposition to his rule is quite strong and there is open dissent.
There are also murmurs of deepening divisions within the ruling party and factions seem to be taking root again.
It feels like déjà vu; and how does Mnangagwa respond, by organising a march just as his predecessor did 12 years ago.
But instead of the numbers that Mugabe commanded, Mnangagwa spoke to a handful of supporters at the National Sports Stadium in Harare on Friday.
While the earlier million-man march emboldened Mugabe, Mnangagwa emerged from last Friday’s rally arguably weaker because of the low turnout and obvious lack of enthusiasm for the demonstration.
Declaring Friday a public holiday was meant to ensure that as many people as possible turned out for the demonstrations, but sadly this fizzled out into a damp squib and left Mnangagwa probably licking his wounds.
After Friday, it was probably hoped that all those opposed to Mnangagwa would be put in their place; that even with a disputed election outcome just over a year ago, the President remained popular with his supporters and that he was in control.
The rally was meant to project Mnangagwa as a strong and popular leader, who despite the problems the country and Zanu PF faced, was in command.
Instead, the rally may have achieved the opposite and his opponents have been emboldened as they may have spotted a chink in the armour.
It seems Mnangagwa and his party may have overestimated their support and in the process exposed themselves.
Bureaucrats may put on brave faces and say they achieved their goals with the Friday rally, but in reality they know they are weaker than they were a day before.
Friday’s rally was meant to be similar in terms of size, reach and impact as Mugabe’s 2007 million-man-march, but instead it had echoes of his last youth interface rally in Bulawayo, where his wife Grace was jeered.
This is not the end for Mnangagwa, but a steep political slope has just become even steeper.
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