The Bulawayo City Council is looking at other options of destroying mosquito-breeding spaces in the city after abandoning the idea of hiring a forking machine for US$15 000.

BY PATRICIA SIBANDA

The matter came up during a full council meeting on Wednesday.

Town clerk Christopher Dube said hiring a forking machine would bleed the already cash-strapped local authority.

“In our budget, we had proposed hiring a forking machine to get rid of the adult mosquitoes, but now that the economy is facing challenges, we will not do so. The last time we hired one it (cost us) US$15 000. What about now? I am sure it costs more than that,” he said.

Health services director Edwin Sibanda advised that residents must make sure that they also get rid of mosquito -breeding areas in their homes.

“We are doing our utmost best to destroy the breeding sites. As for residents, it’s important that you clean gutters in your homesteads to avoid mosquitoes breeding in those areas,” he said.

Sibanda said some of the areas in the high-density suburbs had been cleared as of last year, but the local authority had run out of some of the chemicals they use.

“The section had continued with streambank clearing exercise and the following streams had been cleared: 975m Bulawayo Spruit, 1 390m along Nketa 9, 3 080m along Emganwini Island, 1 275m along Senzangakhona and 1 435m along Nketa Park Mpopoma streams,” council’s latest minutes read.

“Breeding of mosquitoes had been encountered along the streams. Spotters had continued monitoring streams for mosquito breeding and attending to interdepartmental requisitions. All mosquito control chemicals were out of stock.”

THE Bulawayo City Council (BCC) needs about US$700 million to rehabilitate three quarters of its road network, mayor Solomon Mguni has said.

BY MTHANDAZO NYONI

In his New Year’s message, Mguni said the city has a road network of 2 389km with 70% of it in poor condition, requiring urgent rehabilitation.

“Lack of funding has affected the current state of the road network and approximately US$700 million is required to bring the network to good condition. Current funding levels are way below this figure,” Mguni said.

“Despite the challenges of erratic fuel supply, limited road repair materials coupled with constant plant and equipment breakdowns, council made progress in rehabilitating roads.”

Mguni said last year, 2,3km of roads were constructed, while a total of 5,5km of completed sections were awaiting surfacing.

He said resealing was affected by budgetary constraints, while 8,4km of overlays were done on Fort Street, Robert Mugabe Way, Matopos Road, Jason Moyo Street, Samuel Parirenyatwa Street and 8th Avenue.

He said 5,4km of regravelling was done in wards 10, 11, 12, 17, 27 and 29.

In partnership with the community, the city cleared 16,3km of drains, 20,3km of median cleaning and 5 032 square metres of pothole patching, while 26km of road marking was outsourced to private contractors.

“It is our hope that we will be able to meet the funding requirements necessary to bring our road network to a good condition. We will continue to use funds disbursed by the Zimbabwe National Road Administration to attend to the city’s road infrastructure in 2020 and beyond,” Mguni said.

He said the year 2019 presented numerous challenges and obstacles to the optimal implementation of municipal services.

“Most challenges were not unique to the City of Bulawayo and are prescribed by the general macro-economic environment. Unique solutions continue to be explored by the city in order for service delivery to be sustained.”
He said implementation of capital projects as well as maintenance of council infrastructure was affected by the unstable economic environment and pricing regimes.

Other persistent challenges affecting service delivery include inadequate manpower, limited and obsolete plant, equipment and vehicles, erratic fuel and electricity supply and water shortages due to drought.

Mguni said the change in the macro-economic environment negatively impacted on the completion of various projects.
“One of the projects affected was the Basch Street Terminus (Egodini Mall) and phase 1 of the project is now anticipated to be completed either at the end of the first quarter of 2020 or beginning of the second quarter of 2020,” he said.

“The prevailing inflationary environment and increase in interest rates further affected the completion of the transportation hub. Despite the highlighted challenges, there was progress in the project with 90% employment opportunities to local residents.”

Vice-President Kembo Mohadi is still being haunted by the 2008 alleged abductions of opposition activists, with one of the victims, Pieta Kaseke, still pursuing her US$1,2 million compensation claim.

BY CHARLES LAITON

Kaseke, who filed a US$1,2 million claim in July 2009, is still waiting for the determination of her lawsuit which she filed against Mohadi, his then co-Home Affairs minister Giles Mutsekwa, former Justice minister Patrick Chinamasa, former State Security minister Didymus Mutasa, former Police Commissioner-General Augustine Chihuri, former Central Intelligence Organisation (CIO) director-general Happyton Bonyongwe, Senior Assistant Commissioners Nyathi and Chiobvu and several other senior police officers.

Kaseke was allegedly abducted on October 31, 2008 in Banket during a period several other MDC-T activists were facing “trumped-up” charges of banditry, sabotage and terrorism.

However, soon after being released from detention following a pact between the late former President Robert Mugabe and the late MDC-T president Morgan Tsvangirai, through a power-sharing agreement, Kaseke petitioned the High Court for compensation and her matter is yet to be finalised.

On July 23, 2019, Kaseke’s lawyers Mbidzo, Muchadehama and Makoni wrote to High Court judge Justice Edith Mushore pursuing the compensation claim.

“We write to advise that the parties have not yet reached a settlement as anticipated. We are advised by the defendant’s (Mohadi and others) legal representatives that the relevant government departments are still in the process of obtaining the necessary approvals in order to finalise the issue,” the lawyers wrote.

“To that end, we kindly request that the matter be set down possibly at the beginning of the next term (end 2019).

That will give the parties more than sufficient time to finalise the negotiations.”

However, at some point towards the end of last year, the matter was set down for hearing, only to be removed from the roll following indications of an out-of-court settlement.

But since then, the matter is still before Justice Mushore and waiting to be set down for hearing.

Kaseke is claiming US$500 000 for unlawful abduction, enforced disappearance, unlawful detention incommunicado, unlawful arrest and unlawful deprivation of liberty.

She is also claiming US$100 000 for assault, US$300 000 for torture, pain, shock, suffering, psychological trauma, contumelia and loss of amenities and US$300 000 for malicious prosecution.

According to court papers, Kaseke was abducted on October 31, 2008 by police officers and instead of being taken back to Banket, she was handed over to CIO agents who subjected her to further unlawful detention and torture.

“Plaintiff was unlawfully detained and thus unlawfully deprived of her liberty by defendants jointly or one or more of them acting in complicity to one another from October 31, 2008 to December 22, 2008 when defendants then conspired as they had been doing all along to detain plaintiff officially at a police station,” Kaseke said.

She later appeared in court charged alongside Concelia Chinanzvavana, Fidelis Chinanzvavana, Fidelis Chiramba, Violet Mupfuranhewe, Colin Mutemagawu, Manuel Chinanzvavana, Audrice Mbudzana and Rodrick Takawira.

TWO senior employees at Defence House appeared before a Harare magistrate yesterday charged with fraud after they allegedly raised fake invoices valued at $306 135 claiming they were for cleaning services, and later converted the money to their own use.

BY DESMOND CHINGARANDE

Peter Muchakadzi (55), a director in the Defence ministry, and Kunofiwa Marvyn Madondo (58), an accountant, appeared before magistrate Francis Mapfumo, who remanded them to January 23 on $5 000 and $3 000 bail, respectively.

As part of their bail conditions, the duo was ordered to surrender their passports with the clerk of court and report three times at Mabelreign and Warren Park Police stations, respectively.

The two were also ordered not to visit Defence House unless with the investigation officer and not to interfere with State witnesses.

The complainant in the matter is Defence permanent secretary Gray Marongwe.

Allegations are that from March to June last year, the accused connived with Danison Muvandi, who is on the run, in misrepresenting that Defence House had received cleaning services from Maids on Wheels (Pvt) Limited when no such services had been rendered.

It is averred that Muchakadzi then fraudulently sourced fake invoices with a total value of $306 135.

Muchakadzi allegedly further fraudulently originated a loose minute dated June 19, 2019 addressed to the director of finance and human resources, Muvandi, the owner and signatory to Maid on Wheels bank accounts, which was supposed to be prepared by the Procurement Management Unit.

Audrey Chogumaira appeared for the State.

Meanwhile, the Zimbabwe National Army has clarified that Muchakadzi is not a member of the military as had been reported in the Press, but a civilian employed by the Defence ministry.

In a statement, ZNA spokesperson, Lieutenant Colonel Alphios Makotore also said reports that 30 tonnes of beef disappeared at Mbalabala barracks in Matabeleland South province were not true.

SUNGURA music godfather Nicholas “Senior Lecturer” Zakaria has inked a brand development deal with a local public relations and communications company which will see him venturing into community development work, mentorship and corporate marketing.

BY LIFE & STYLE REPORTER

The one-year renewable deal will see Zakaria broadening his career path with various innovative engagements and activities.
Speaking to NewsDay Life & Style after signing the deal with Esteem Communications, Zakaria said he was grateful to God for the opportunity.

“The Lord has kept me this long for a reason and I am grateful for the opportunities that continue to come my way,” he said.

“My deal with Esteem Communications helps professionalise my career and will create even exciting opportunities for me and my backing group.”

The renowned guitarist and composer said he had seen it all in the industry and was ready to give back to the community.
“I strongly feel there are so many important causes I should lend my voice and hand to. I will be part of various campaigns, among them women and children’s rights, fighting domestic violence, promoting abstinence and safe sex as well as advocating for a drug-free generation,” he said.
Esteem Communications marketing and operations officer Charlene Kuipa said Zakaria was a consistent, cultured and respected musician who deserved all the good things in life.

“We feel humbled to work with one of the most respected musicians of our time. Zakaria has been consistent and he leads a controversy-free life. Our goal is to help him advance his music career while creating as many opportunities for him as possible to impact the communities around him,” she said.

The old music war horse said the deal, which commenced this month, would see Esteem Communications handling his corporate affairs, public relations as well as other community development-related initiatives while his management would continue handling music show bookings.

“Our management will continue to handle general show bookings, but the corporate side of things will be under Esteem Communications,” he said.

Zakaria had an exciting 2019. Following the release of his 27th album Inzwa Unzwe, he embarked on a nationwide tour to promote the latest offering.

“We had a very encouraging 2019 following the release of Inzwa Unzwe. It is our hope that 2020 will be a better year for us musically and we believe this branding deal spells good things for us,” he said.
Zakaria is renowned for having trained and groomed many local sungura musicians who went on to become household names.

The late former President Robert Mugabe’s niece, Zalerah Hazvineyi Makari (nee Tendayi), who tied the knot with Samson Tichatonga Makari in August 2010, has approached the High Court hoping to nullify the couple’s union.

BY CHARLES LAITON

Zalerah is also former Epworth legislator, representing Zanu PF in the august House.

In her summons filed in December last year, the former MP said all efforts by her relatives to save the couple’s marriage had failed and that their affection for one another had also hit rock bottom.

According to court papers, she said the couple’s marriage had irretrievably broken down to the extent that they have not been staying together for the past two years.

“Plaintiff (Zalerah) and defendant (Samson) were married to each other in terms of the Marriage Act Chapter 5:11 at the Catholic Cathedral in Harare on August 21, 2010 and the marriage still subsist. One child has been born of the marriage,” she said.

“The plaintiff avers that the marriage between the parties has irretrievably broken down to such an extent that the parties can no longer live together as husband and wife and there are no prospects for the continuation of a normal relationship in that the plaintiff and defendant have been emotionally separated for two years and were not sharing a bedroom during that time.”

Zalerah further said Samson had already initiated and completed customary procedures for ending the marriage and had also moved out of the couple’s matrimonial home.

“The defendant moved out of the matrimonial home in March 2019. The defendant initiated and completed the customary procedures for ending the marriage by paying gupuro (divorce token), the customary token to end the marriage and the plaintiff’s family accepted the token,” she said.

Zalerah also said the couple had already executed a Deed of Settlement to regulate their issues pending the nullification of their marriage by consent.

“The parties no longer have any love and affection for each other and on March 22, 2019, they both executed a Deed of Settlement to regulate their issues pending a divorce by consent. All attempts by plaintiff and her relatives to reconcile the parties have been futile. It is anticipated that this divorce will be by consent as already agreed in the Deed of Settlement,” she said.

“In the event that this honourable court grants a decree of divorce, it is in the best interest of the minor child born of the marriage that custody be awarded to the plaintiff, who has already been living with the child in the matrimonial residence, which is the minor child’s familiar residence.”
The matter is still pending.

HOW much more can we take? I was talking to a Zimbabwean of Asian extraction over the break and he told me that his father came from India in 1958. I remarked to him that we were doing pretty well then — we had peace, a rapidly growing economy, we were part of the wider world and it seemed that our politics was going in the right direction.

When the Federation of Rhodesia and Nyasaland broke up, the white population rejected change and the first shots with live ammunition were fired after more than 60 years of no violence. The nationalists launched their armed struggle for change and from 1965 onwards we were increasingly isolated from the world around us.

What followed was 15 years of mandatory UN-backed sanctions and an armed conflict that drew in all our neighbours and in which we killed each other with enthusiasm. The Rhodesians won most of the battles and lost the war, leading to 37 years of dominance by Robert Mugabe and his liberation war colleagues. They never really settled down and by 2000 we were again locked in a toxic mix of international isolation, stagnant or declining economic output and domestic conflict and violence.

International and regional intervention hardly helped but did change the course of our history at key moments — the break-up of the Federation, the intervention of the Americans in 1976, then Lancaster House and finally the Thabo Mbeki-managed Sadc initiative that brought us four years of recovery and compromise from 2009 to 2013. But for the most part we mismanaged our political, economic and social situations ourselves and as a result we brought on ourselves political instability and increasing poverty and disparity.

During the 90 years of white settler control and government, the whole country worked for the welfare and interests of a small white community. After 1980, the whole country worked for a tiny minority of politically connect individuals who supported the systems that kept the Mugabe government in power and control. All other concerns were secondary. Whatever the system, the effect was the same — the majority suffered and experienced marginalisation and poverty.

Then came November 2017, the first time we took action as a people to rid ourselves of a regime that had run out of time and space. Like the decision in 1923 when we decided to stay out of the new Union of South Africa, this event was not in any way sponsored or engineered by outside forces and for the first time found almost universal support among all Zimbabweans. It was assisted by the military who overnight became heroes of the people. However, it did not change the centre of real power which had become the small group of people who ran the Joint Operations Command under the leadership of Emmerson Mnangagwa and General Constantino Chiwenga.

The first post-November government was drawn from this group and was dominated by elements linked to the military. Then the elections in 2018 when Zanu PF engineered a convincing victory with three-quarters of all council seats and two-thirds of Parliament. Mnangagwa could then claim, for the first time, to be the legitimate leader of government, even though his victory was with a tiny majority. It was only at that moment that we saw a new dispensation of sorts emerge in the form of the first really Mnangagwa-controlled Cabinet.

The President broke with the past at two crucial moments — after the march in November 2017 and then after the elections. In both cases he clearly committed himself and his new government to fundamental changes and to re-establishing a working relationship with the international community after decades of isolation and hostility. The response to these clear indications of intent was immediate, and the international community said that if we followed through on these undertakings, it would support our economic recovery and re-engagement efforts. It seemed at last that the world was at our feet again.

But it was not to be. We quickly appreciated that the President did not have the unfettered power that Mugabe had exercised over the country for 37 years. The first Cabinet was a divided house and little was achieved in respect to the reform agenda in the first seven months. This changed significantly with the elections but again there was evidence of conflict in the corridors of power where key decisions are made and executed. Then towards the end of 2019, the President restructured his Cabinet and made a number of key appointments.

And so we came to the end of a disastrous year in many respects. The Transitional Stabilisation Programme had required savage cuts in government expenditure, a controlled devaluation of unmanageable domestic debt accumulated in the past five years and a restructuring of costs in the economy to bring them more in line with regional realities. It has been a tough year for everyone, except a few individuals who seem to thrive no matter what happens to the rest of us. One young Zimbabwean drives around Harare in a Bugatti — perhaps the most expensive car in the world. His friends all boast luxury cars with brand names that put them in a similar bracket. Wealth with no visible means of support.

But we must look beyond these disparities and problems and recognise that our pain as a nation has borne significant fruit: our domestic debt is now a tiny fraction of what it was and is manageable, our international debt has only increased marginally and is now being serviced to some extent. Our civil service was costing us 100% of all our taxes a year ago, it now consumes 35%, our fiscal deficit was massive and equal to 40% of the entire budget of government, is now positive and we ended 2019 with nearly $2 billion in the bank. We have liberalised our foreign exchange market and restored the viability of our export industries which are now expanding rapidly with the result that we now have nearly US$1 billion in our bank accounts and government has a small surplus in the Treasury in hard currency.

These are not small achievements and what annoys me is that so little recognition has been given to the government and the President for their stance on these issues which have been very tough on the entire nation. I am pleased that at least the International Monetary Fund found sufficient reason at the year end to give us a cautious thumbs up for what we achieved last year despite some serious deviations.

So where are we going in the next decade? Is it more of the same? We just cannot handle that plus the changes now being inflicted on us by climate change. Everyone, and I mean everyone, not just those in power, must accept and acknowledge this — we have to start doing things differently. For me 2019 has set the stage — now we must move on and decisively. I hear that the MDC is planning a series of large-scale demonstrations in early 2020. Is that really the answer? Will it really bring change or simply lead to more street violence. I agree with Foreign Affairs minister Sibusiso Moyo when he called for the police to escort demonstrations through the streets of our towns and make sure they do not spill over into looting and violence. But we all know that these events can only be managed so far.

Rather I think we need to work together to get things right in our country. Is that so difficult to understand and accept? But it will only happen if we put the country first in all that we do — and not the pursuit of power or wealth.

Eddie Cross is an economist and former MDC legislator. He writes in his personal capacity.

SEVERAL companies listed on the Zimbabwe Stock Exchange (ZSE) have been forced to defer publication of their financials for 2019 to allow for finalisation of reviews of inflation-adjusted financials by auditors in line with the new reporting standard – IAS 29.

BY FIDELITY MHLANGA

This comes after the Public Accountants and Auditors Board (PAAB) last year advised companies to adopt inflation-adjusted financials in line with the requirements of international financial reporting standards.

One of the affected firms, CFI advised stakeholders that its 2019 year-end financials would be released before the end of this month, a month behind their scheduled release.

“The board wishes to advise its stakeholders that its year-end financial results publication that were due for publication no later than December 31, 2019 have been deferred with approval by the ZSE to no later than January 31, 2020. This is to allow finalisation reviews of inflation-adjusted financials by the group’s external auditors,” said CFI group company secretary Panganayi Hare.

Falcon Gold and National Tyre Services also said they were still realigning their financials with the hyperinflation reporting standards.

“National Tyre Services limited hereby notifies its shareholders and other stakeholders that it has delayed the publication of the unaudited financial statements for the half year ended September 30, 2019. These were supposed to be published by December 31, 2019. The company will present inflation-adjusted financial statements as its primary financial statements and these are still undergoing the necessary review processes,” said the company’s secretary Stewart Mandimika.

Only a few firms, among them Delta Corporation, Cassava Smartech and Econet Wireless have published their financials using the IAS 29 reporting standard. Under the new reporting system, companies are expected to have two columns on its financial statements — one for historic cost and another one for inflation-adjusted figures.

One of the indicators of hyperinflation is when cumulative inflation over a three-year period approaches, or is in excess of 100%.

In its hyperinflation reporting guideline unveiled last November, the Institute of Chartered Accountants of Zimbabwe recommended companies to use the Zimbabwe National Statistical Agency (ZimStat)’s data as the official source of all national statistics including inflation figures and the consumer price index to restate figures.

Preparers were advised to refer to the Reserve Bank of Zimbabwe website which has been publishing implied annual inflation rate based on month on month inflation figures from ZimStat.

As of November last year, the annual inflation rate was at 480%.

Zambia’s Cabinet on December 4, 2019 approved the production and export of marijuana, effectively lifting a longstanding moratorium on the issuance of licences for this purpose. A Ministerial Technical Committee for the cultivation, processing and export of cannabis for economic and medicinal purposes has since been set up and the issuance of regulations expedited with government pegging marijuana licences at an annual fee of US$250 000.

The decision to peg the marijuana licence at a staggering US$$250 000 by the government has shocked Zambians who fear that they will be excluded from participating in the venture. Zambians have received the news with a mixture of excitement and scepticism. Many have wondered how Zambia suddenly U-turned on its consistent objection to the production of marijuana.

Zambia destroys over 60 tonnes of marijuana each year. Secretly and culturally the consumption of marijuana is accepted in many regions of Zambia and is believed to have religious and spiritual effects by some sections of society. But some Christian leaders have loudly condemned the decision by government arguing that it amounted to a betrayal of the country’s Christian values.

According to a United Nations survey, more than 10 000 tonnes of cannabis are produced in Africa each year, which could be worth billions of dollars in a rapidly expanding global market for legal cannabis. In 2017, Lesotho became the first African country to legalise the cultivation of marijuana for medicinal purposes, spawning a new sector in a country where the economy struggles to create employment opportunities.

The market for legal marijuana is set to be worth around US$146 billion (£114 billion) a year by 2025, with medicinal marijuana set to make up more than two-thirds of that, according to consultants Grand View Research.
The African cannabis report shows that the African legal cannabis market could top US$7,1 billion by 2023 if key markets legalise medical and recreational cannabis. Lesotho, Uganda and Zimbabwe have already taken steps in this direction. Malawi and Zambia have just joined the bandwagon.

In June 2019 Green Party President Peter Sinkamba lost a court bid to compel the Zambian government to grant him a licence to cultivate and sell cannabis. Sinkamba had argued in court that legalising marijuana could generate US$36 billion annually for Zambia and that it was frustrating that many countries had seen sense in legalising the use of the crop for medicinal use when Zambia was refusing to see it.

Sinkamba sued Zambia’s Health minister Chitalu Chilufya for refusal to grant him the licence to cultivate, manufacture, distribute, export and import medical marijuana. According to the Court of Appeal, the Dangerous Drugs Act which is the principal Act for Administration of Dangerous Drugs, in section 22 gave discretion to the minister of Health to reject or grant an application to cultivate cannabis. Judge Fulgency Chisanga said the Court of Appeal could impose its position on the Health minister’s discretion. Sinkamba has welcomed the new decision by the government but strongly opposed the exorbitant licence fee.

The licence fee is arguably an open invitation to big-money foreign and local cartels to not only use Zambia as a platform to clean up their dirty money, but also an opportunity for them to make an easy killing at the expense of Zambians.

One commentator observed: “If this happens, we would have laid the perfect breeding ground for an underground cannabis market which will undoubtedly be punctuated by gun violence as participants look to claim a share of what they believe is an opportunity systematically denied them.”

Zambian laws do not allow quoting of goods and services in foreign currencies, but Zambians are surprised that the government is quoting licences in US dollars a clear indication that this is not an opportunity for ordinary Zambians.

A desperate government

There are a number of factors that have motivated the decision by the Zambian government to turn to the marijuana business with the most obvious one being — economic.

Zambia’s economy is ailing and the government desperately needs to plug a huge hole in its national budget which keeps widening. Zambia spends over 91% of its national budget on personnel emoluments and debt servicing leaving less than 9% for spending on social services such as health, education, social protection and delivery of programmes.

The public sector wage bill in Zambia is one of the highest in the world. This, coupled with general low productivity, detracts from the optimal use of scarce resources. Expenditure on personnel emoluments as a share of domestic revenues still remains high at 47,1% in 2018, and already over 50% in 2019 thereby, constraining other developmental expenditures.

The Zambian government also has a huge backlog of domestic debt, owing almost everyone ranging from suppliers to farmers and banks in millions. Will the production and export of marijuana turn around Zambia’s economy? It could and may not. The reason why Zambia may fail to use marijuana to uplift Zambians from poverty is well known, the country has a reputation of failing to manage its resources prudently and derive maximum benefits for the economy and citizens.

Furthermore, there are genuine fears that politicians may hijack this enterprise away from the people. This has happened with trade-in Mukulaa famous’ Rosewood which is the subject of a global scandal implicating top Zambian politicians including the first family according to a recent report.

In support of the economic benefit argument for marijuana, a Zambian analyst Anthony Bwalya argues that the cannabis industry has the potential to replace copper as Zambia’s leading foreign export earner.

“It must be noted that the level of technical expertise and intensity of capital associated with the cannabis supply chain, from growing, marketing to selling; is relatively friendly and nowhere near as laborious as the mining industry, perhaps save for a few stringent global regulatory requirements. But what this means is that Zambia and Zambians can own the cannabis industry 100% and internalise 100% of all forex revenues arising from this business. Capturing even a paltry 1% of the global cannabis market could potentially generate a staggering $3,4 billion per annum for the country. But again if we are not careful, this amount of money could very easily end up in the hands and pockets of cartels who I imagine are well poised to pounce on this multi-billion honey pot.”
Critics argue that ordinary Zambians will not benefit anything from this new lucrative opportunity just like many other natural resources have not benefited Zambians, but only produced a clique of wealthy well-connected individuals to those in power.

Zambian business and financial analyst Blessings Kafwanka raised a red flag on the frenzy surrounding Zambia’s decision.

“Those thinking that Zambia will now be earning about $3bn per annum from the export of marijuana alone as projected by Green Party president Peter Sinkamba, please relax. There is so much more that still needs to be done than just legalising the cultivation of the crop. Zambia is endowed with many natural resources that are more valuable than marijuana that we have lamentably failed to take advantage of. We have gold, mukula, copper, cobalt, the best gemstones in the world, etc. None of these resources is bringing in anything close to $3bn.”

However, the Zambia Medical Association has commended the Zambian government for the bold and innovative decision it has taken to allow cultivation, processing and exporting of cannabis for economic and medicinal purposes.

Samson Chisele, the association president said the association had in the past few years advocated for the decriminalisation of cannabis to allow for locally generated clinical research to assess the long-term safety and medical relevance of marijuana.

“In modern medicine, medical marijuana is known to reduce nausea and vomiting during chemotherapy (cancer treatment), improve appetite in HIV/AIDS patients, reduce chronic pain and muscle spasms, treat migraines, glaucoma and severe forms of epilepsy”, he said.
However, Chisele said in light of the euphoria exhibited by members of the general public regarding Cabinet’s decision to give approval, in principle, to the Ministerial Technical Committee for the cultivation, processing and exporting of cannabis for economic and medicinal purposes, has clarified that ordinary marijuana differs from medical marijuana.

He explained that the former contains over 400 chemical compounds, some of which have serious psychoactive effects (the ‘high’ feeling), while the latter usually only contains 2 well-refined extracts of the plant, with scientifically proven benefits to treat specific medical conditions.

With more African economies facing financial constraints, and increasing demand for marijuana as a raw material for the manufacture of painkillers, we can expect more countries turning to licensing marijuana production as a revenue stream. The challenge, however, will be how to regulate the sector so that drug dealers do not take advantage of the same.

Bruce Chooma is a Zambian journalist, media trainer, blogger development worker and communication consultant currently working as national co-ordinator at Disability Rights Watch.

National Railways of Zimbabwe (NRZ) board chairman NRZ) board chairman Martin Dinha yesterday said they were in discussions with a Chinese company known as China Mining Logistics Holding Company for a deal to move about two million tonnes of iron ore per year from Zimbabwe to China.

BY MTHANDAZO NYONI

Addressing journalists soon after meeting the company’s officials in Bulawayo, Dinha said the deal, if sealed, would help capacitate the parastatal.

“The Chinese have a proposal. They are known as China Mining Logistics Holding Company. They have discovered iron ore resources in Zimbabwe. So they want to exploit a minimum of two million tonnes per year,” he said.

“They want us to carry iron ore from Zimbabwe through Beira to China for their iron ore industry and later on they want to establish an iron and steel company in Zimbabwe. So they have come for initial inquiries. We are engaging them for initial inquiries and a framework on how we can assist them and then we benefit.

“So their discussion is around whether NRZ has capacity to carry that from Bindura to Beira. It’s a business opportunity for us, but we require to capitalise ourselves in terms of locomotives and wagons.”

Dinha added: “It’s a scary figure for NRZ, why because we want the capacities. They want 70 to 80 000 tonnes per day. This is not a joke. So we are engaging them because it’s an opportunity for us. Once we snatch that business, we are home and dry. Then we can improve the social conditions of our workers, pay them better salaries.”

Dinha said their strategic approach was to go after every mining concern in Zimbabwe and clinch business deals.

NRZ requires about US$1,9 billion to fully recapitalise its operations. It needs to rehabilitate its track, acquire locomotives, wagons and upgrade information communication technology to enable the parastatal to increase freight volumes.

Last year, government cancelled a US$400 million NRZ recapitalisation programme signed two years ago with the Diaspora Infrastructure Development Group after the group reportedly “failed” to comply with contractual timelines.